INIVHRSITY  (>!:  CALIFORNIA. 


THE  SLOSS  COLLECTION  OK  THE  SEMITIC   LIBRARY 
01-   THE   IMYERSITY  OF  CALIEORMA. 


LOUIS  SLOSS. 

FEBRUARY.  1897. 

Accession  No.  6>  fO/  7  .     Cliiss  No. 


CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS 


CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS 

AND 

THE    PARTICIPATION    OF    THE    JEWS    IN    THE 
SPANISH  AND  PORTUGUESE  DISCOVERIES 


BY 


DR.    M.    KAYSERLING 


TRANSLATED    FROM    THE    AUTHOR'S    MANUSCRIPT   WITH    HIS    SANCTION 
AND    REVISION 

BY    CHARLES    GROSS,    PH.D. 

ASST. "PROTTSSSPR   OF    HISTORY,    HARVARD    COLLEGE 

X 


-• 

NEW   YORK 

LONGMANS,  GREEN,  AND   CO. 
1894 


COPYRIGHT,  1894,  BY 
LONGMANS,  GREEN,   AND   CO. 


Press  of  J.  J.  Little  &  Co. 
Astor  Place,  New  York 


DEDICATED 

TO 
MR.  LAZARUS   STRAUS, 

OF   NEW   YORK, 

AS    A   TOKEN    OF   ESTEEM,  AND    IN    RECOGNITION    OF   HIS 

ENCOURAGING   INTEREST   IN   THE    RESEARCHES 

CONTAINED    IN    THIS    BOOK. 


FEW  mortals  have  been  honored  by  posterity 
as  much  as  Christopher  Columbus,  though  during 
his  life-time  the  discoverer  of  a  New  World  received 
little  credit  for  his  achievements.  Monuments  of 
Columbus  have  been  erected  in  Genoa,  proud  to 
call  him  her  son ;  in  Barcelona,  where  after  his 
first  voyage  to  America  the  Spanish  sovereigns 
received  him  with  great  rejoicing  and  with  princely 
honors ;  in  Valladolid,  where  he  died ;  in  Seville, 
Madrid,  Huelva,  New  York,  San  Domingo,  and  in 
many  other  cities  of  Italy,  Spain,  and  America. 
His  praises  have  been  sung  in  odes  and  ballads, 
and  his  name  has  been  glorified  by  dramatist  and 
novelist. 

And  in  our  day,  four  hundred  years  after  the 
discovery  of  America,  his  achievements  have  been 
most  worthily  commemorated  by  the  academies 
and  learned  societies  of  all  nations.  To  honor  his 
name  Spain  has  just  held  the  great  Exposition 
Historico-Europea  in  Madrid  ;  and  America  has  just 
closed  the  Chicago  Exhibition,  which  attracted 
millions  of  visitors.  The  Church  has  canonized 
him.  In  synagogues  and  temples  his  services  in 


viif  PREFACE. 

promoting  the  social  and  commercial  intercourse 
of  nations,  and  especially  in  advancing  nautical 
and  geographical  science,  have  been  recognized 
and  lauded.  In  the  just  appreciation  of  his  great 
services  to  mankind,  all  political,  religious,  and 
social  differences  have  vanished. 

The  commemoration  of  his  achievements  has 
also  materially  enriched  historical  literature.  His 
descent,  his  education,  his  voyages  and  discov 
eries,  all  the  events  of  his  life,  have  recently  been 
investigated  and  described.  In  doing  this,  writers 
have  regarded  his  life  from  different  points  of 
view.  Some  of  his  biographers  have  even  seen 
in  his  career  not  the  triumph  of  science  but  that 
of  religion;  and  a  learned  Spaniard  has  in  all 
seriousness  asserted  that  without  his  strong  reli 
gious  faith  Columbus  would  never  have  discovered 
America.*  For  a  long  time  Isabella,  the  pious 
Queen  of  Castile,  received  credit  for  being  the 
chief  or  sole  promoter  of  his  expeditions  and  dis 
coveries.  In  recent  times  Aragonese  writers  have, 
however,  disputed  the  justice  of  this  claim,  and, 
to  maintain  their  national  honor,  have  ascribed  to 
their  king,  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  an  equal  share 
in  the  promotion  of  Columbus's  plans.  More  or 
less  justice  has  also  been  done  to  the  other  per- 

*  S.  de  la  Rosay  Lopez,  El  Libros  y  Autografos  de  D.  Chr. 
Coldn  [Seville,  1891]. 


PREFACE.  IX 

sons  who  helped  him  and  who  directly  or  indi 
rectly  participated  in  his  discoveries. 

The  question  whether  the  Jews  assisted  in 
these  discoveries  has  already  heretofore  been 
propounded,*  but  it  has  never  before  been  care 
fully  investigated.  The  credit  of  having  given 
the  first  impulse  to  the  present  work  belongs  to 
one  of  the  most  public-spirited  citizens  of  America, 
the  venerable  Mr.  Lazarus  Straus,  and  to  his  son, 
Hon.  Oscar  S.  Straus  of  New  York,  formerly 
minister  of  the  United  States  in  Turkey  and  since 
1892  president  of  the  American  Jewish  Historical 
Society.  Entrusted  with  this  honorable  but  diffi 
cult  mission,  I  determined  to  visit  Spain  in  order 
to  complete  my  collection  of  material  by  exploring 
the  Spanish  archives  and  libraries.  Such  docu 
ments  as  I  found  there,  I  transcribed.  They  have 
been  used  with  care  in  the  text,  and  are  printed 
in  extenso  in  the  Appendix. 

My  investigations  in   Spain  were  greatly  facili- 

*  This  was  done  thirty-six  years  ago  by  the  writer  of  the 
present  work  in  an  article  entitled  Die  portugiesischen  Entdeck- 
ungen  und  Eroberungen  in  Beziehung  zu  den  Judent  in  Monats- 
schriftfiir  Geschichte  und  Wissenschaftdes  Judenthums  [Edited  by 
Z.  Frankel],  vii.  433-446  ;  Jahrbuch  fur  die  Geschichte  der  Juden 
und  des  Judenthums,  vol.  Hi.  According  to  C.  P.  Daly's  Settle 
ment  of  the  Jews  in  North  America  [2d  edition  by  M.  J.  Kohler, 
New  York,  1893],  Rev.  Dr.  K.  Kohler  delivered  an  address  on 
this  subject  before  the  German  Historical  Society  of  New  York  ; 
it  was  printed  in  the  Belletristisches  Journal,  May,  1891. 


X  PREFACE. 

tated  by  the  kindness  of  Spanish  officials  and 
savants,  and  by  the  praiseworthy  liberality  with 
which  the  authorities  of  the  archives  at  Alcald  de 
Henares,  Barcelona,  Madrid,  Seville,  and  other 
places  allowed  me  to  use  their  manuscript  treas 
ures.  My  warm  thanks  are  due  particularly  to 
certain  Spanish  investigators,  who  are  well  known 
far  beyond  the  boundaries  of  Spain — to  the 
learned  and  ever-obliging  R.  P.  Fidel  Fita  (who 
has  made  many  valuable  contributions  to  the 
history  of  Spain),  the  excellent  historian  D.  Victor 
Balaguer,  the  distinguished  student  of  Columbus 
literature  D.  Cesareo  Fernandez  Duro,  the  amiable 
D.  Jerdnimo  Lopez  de  Ayala,  Vizconde  de  Pala- 
zuelos,  D.  Ram6n  Santa  Maria,  and  to  several 
other  gentlemen  in  Barcelona,  Madrid,  Seville, 
and  Saragossa. 

It  only  remains  for  me  to  add  a  few  words  of 
explanation  regarding  the  Marranos,  or  secret 
Jews,  and  their  status.  The  terrible  massacres  of 
1391  and  later  persecutions  had  compelled  or  in 
duced  vast  numbers  of  Jews  to  submit  to  baptism. 
The  great  majority  of  these  converts  adhered  to 
Judaism  more  firmly  than  is  commonly  supposed. 
Though  they  had  succumbed  to  force  (annssiiti) 
and  had  become  Christians  in  appearance  or  out 
wardly,  they  lived  according  to  the  precepts  and 
laws  of  their  ancestral  faith.  In  the  city  of 


PREFACE.  XI 

Seville,  a  Jewish  chronicle  'x~  informs  us,  an  inquisi 
tor  thus  addressed  the  king :  "  Sire,  if  you  wish  to 
ascertain  how  the  anussim,  or  secret  Jews,  ob 
serve  the  Sabbath,  let  us  ascend  this  tower.  Be 
hold  there  the  house  of  a  pseudo-Christian,  yonder 
is  another,  and  here  are  several  more.  However 
cold  the  weather  may  be,  you  would  not  see 
smoke  rising  from  any  of  these  dwellings,  for  it  is 
the  Sabbath,  and  on  that  day  the  secret  Jews 
allow  no  fire  to  be  kindled.  They  also  have  a 
man  who  slaughters  animals  for  them  according  to 
Jewish  rites  and  brings  the  meat  to  their  houses, 
and  another  who  performs  circumcision." 

That  Jewish  writers  have  not  exaggerated  the 
loyalty  of  the  Marranos  to  their  ancestral  religion 
is  proven  by  the  countless  victims  of  the  Inquisi 
tion  in  Spain  and  Portugal  and  in  the  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  colonies  who  during  the  three  centu 
ries  of  its  existence  died  in  dungeons  or  on  the 
funeral  pile.  Their  religious  loyalty  will  not  be 
fully  recognized  and  appreciated  before  the  enor 
mous  mass  of  documentary  evidence  in  the  state 
archives  of  Alcala  de  Henares  and  Simancas  and 
in  several  archives  of  Portugal  has  been  sifted  and 
utilized.  Until  quite  recent  times  this  material 
was  wholly  or  in  great  part  neglected. 

I  trust  that  I  have  succeeded  in  making  a 
*  Shevet  Jetiuda  [ed.  Wiener],  number  64,  p.  96. 


xii  PREFACE. 

contribution  to  the  history  of  the  discovery 
of  America  and  to  the  history  of  the  Jews,  to 
whom  America  has  been  a  land  of  refuge,  a  land 
of  freedom  and  of  equality.* 

M.  KAYSERLING. 

BUDAPEST,  October,  1893. 


*  [The  translator  is  greatly  obliged  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Emanuel 
Cohen  of  Minneapolis,  Minn.,  for  assistance  in  reading  the  proof- 
sheets  of  this  volume.] 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGES 

THE  JEWS  AND  THE  SPANISH  NAVY     ....  1-3 

THE  JEWS  AND  THE  PORTUGUESE  NAVY       .       ,        .  4-5 

JEHUDA  CRESQUES,  OR  JAIME  RIBES      ....  5~8 

JoAo  II.  AND  HIS  ASTRONOMICAL  JUNTA      .       .        .  9-10 

CHAPTER  II. 

COLUMBUS  IN  LISBON 11-13 

His  SCIENTIFIC  EQUIPMENT 13-15 

His  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  JOAO  II.        .        .        ..  15-17 

JOSEPH  VECINHO 17-18 

PORTUGUESE  EXPEDITION  TO  INDIA       .        .        .        .  18 

ABRAHAM  OF  BEJA  AND  JOSEPH  ZAPATEIRO          .        .  18-20 

COLUMBUS  IN  SPAIN        .        ».-#•..        •        •        •  20-21 

CHAPTER  III. 

POLITICAL  CONDITION  OF  ARAGON  AND  CASTILE  .        .  22-24 

FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA      ......  24-25 

ABRAHAM  SENIOR 25-27 

STATUS  OF  JEWS  AND  MARRANOS   .....  27-31 

THE  INQUISITION .  31-40 


xiv  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

PAGES 

COLUMBUS  AT  THE  SPANISH  COURT    .        ...        .  41-43 

THE  JUNTA  OF  CORDOVA 43-45 

THE  CONFERENCE  AT  SALAMANCA       ....  45-46 

ABRAHAM  ZACUTO        .        .        .        .       .        .       .  46-51 

ISAAC  ABRAVANEL .52-54 

CHAPTER  V. 

COLUMBUS  IN  SANTA  FE             .        .        .        ...  55-57 

THE  FALL  OF  GRANADA 57-58 

THE  SANTANGELS 59-66 

THE  SANTANGELS  AND  THE  INQUISITION     .        .        .  66-69 

Luis  DE  SANTANGEL 69-72 

His  PLEA  IN  BEHALF  OF  COLUMBUS    ....  72-74 

THE  QUEEN'S  JEWELS 74-76 

SANTANGEL'S  LOAN     ./.....  77-79 

CHAPTER  VI. 

EXPULSION  OF  THE  JEWS  FROM  SPAIN        .        .        .  80-85 

AGREEMENT  OF  SANTA  FE  ......  85-86 

EXODUS  OF  THE  JEWS 87-88 

JEWS  IN  COLUMBUS'S  FLEET        .        .        .        .  89-90 

GUANAHANI 91-93 

Luis  DE  TORRES 93~95 

INDIANS  AND  ISRAELITES     ......  95-99 

CHAPTER  VII. 

COLUMBUS'S  RETURN    .        ».       .       ..       .               .  j        100 

His  LETTERS  TO  SANTANGEL  AND  SANCHEZ       .        .  100-103 


CONTENTS. 


PAGES 


THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBIA'S  SECOND  VOYAGE    .        .  103-111 

VASCO  DA  GAMA  AND  ABRAHAM  ZACUTO   .        .        .  111-113 

CASPAR  DA  GAMA 113-119 

ALBUQUERQUE  AND  HUCEFE 119-121 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

COLUMBUS'S  DOWNFALL 122-123 

ROYAL  FAVORS  GRANTED  TO  SANTANGEL           .        .  123-125 

DEATH  OF  SANTANGEL  AND  SANCHEZ         .        .        .  125 

THEIR  DESCENDANTS 125-126 

MARRANOS  IN  ESPANOLA  AND  IN  OTHER  COLONIES    .  126-129 

THE  INQUISITION  IN  THE  COLONIES    ....  129-134 

APPENDIX. 

THE  SANTANGELS 135-152 

INDIANS  AND  ISRAELITES 153-156 

THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE    .        .  157-169 

QUEEN  JUANA  AND  THE  MARRANOS  OF  ESPA£?OLA    .  169-171 


CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

THE  EARLIEST  PARTICIPATION  OF  THE  JEWS  IN  THE  NAVAL 
AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN  AND  PORTUGAL — JEHUDA  CRESQUES,  OR 
JAIME  RIBES — JoAo  II.  AND  HIS  ASTRONOMICAL  JUNTA. 

OWING  to  their  favorable  geographical  situa 
tion,  Spain  and  Portugal  early  became  prominent 
maritime  powers.  Their  discoveries  and  con 
quests  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries 
astonished  the  world,  and  turned  its  history  into 
new  channels.  The  Spaniards,  particularly  the 
people  of  Catalonia  and  Aragon,  were  especially 
active  in  maritime  affairs.  Their  shipping  and 
foreign  trade  developed  so  rapidly  that  they 
rivalled,  and,  in  fact,  soon  surpassed,  the  mercan 
tile  marine  of  Venice,  Pisa,  and  Genoa,  the  older 
commercial  cities  of  Italy. 

As  early  as  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  cen 
tury,  Barcelona's  commerce  with  Alexandria,  the 
capital  and  chief  seaport  of  Egypt,  and  with  the 
north  coast  of  Africa,  was  of  great  importance,  in 


2          THE  JEWS  AND    THE   SPANISH  NAVY. 

spite  of  papal  prohibitions.  Even  in  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century  the  Jewish  traveller  Ben 
jamin  of  Tudcla,  the  predecessor  of  Marco  Polo, 
mentions  the  prosperity  of  Barcelona.  To  inform 
himself  concerning  his  co-religionists  he  had  vis 
ited  the  greater  part  of  Southern  Europe,  of 
Africa,  and  of  Asia,  and  his  well-known  book  of 
travels  was  translated  into  many  languages.  He 
describes  Barcelona  as  a  beautiful  city,  frequented 
by  merchants  from  all  lands — from  Greece  and 
Italy,  from  Egypt  and  Palestine,  and  from  other 
neighboring  parts  of  Asia.  Ships  bearing  the 
Aragonian  and  Catalonian  flag  soon  traversed 
the  African  seas,  and  reached  Egypt  and  Syria. 
During  several  centuries  the  maritime  enterprises 
and  conquests  of  Aragon  gave  her  a  prominent 
place  among  the  European  powers. 

The  Jews  rendered  noteworthy  services  in  con 
nection  with  the  marine  development  of  Spain. 
R.  Jchuda  of  Valencia,  or,  as  he  was  called  by  con 
temporary  historians,  Don  Jehudano,  the  richest 
Jew  of  Aragon,  was  the  confidential  friend  and 
the  treasurer  of  King  Jaime  I.,  who  asked  his 
advice  in  the  most  important  affairs  of  state.  In 
1263,  at  the  request  of  the  king,  he  fitted  out 
a  fleet  which  was  placed  in  command  of  the 
Infante  Don  Fernando  Sanchez,  and  three  years 
later  Jehuda  was  intrusted  with  the  preparations 


THE  JEWS  AND    THE   SPANISH  NAVY.          3 

for  the  conquest  of  Murcia.*  In  1323,  when  Don 
Alfonso,  the  heir-apparent  of  the  crown  of  Aragon, 
fitted  out  a  great  fleet  for  the  conquest  of  Cer- 
defia,  Tortosa  showed  more  patriotic  zeal  than  any 
other  city  in  the  kingdom.  The  rich  Jewish  com 
munity  of  that  town,  at  its  own  expense,  equipped 
and  manned  two  galleys.  Before  the  fleet  sailed, 
King  Jaime  II.  assured  the  Jews  of  Tortosa  of 
his  gratitude  and  good-will.f  Moreover,  the  Jews 
of  Aragon  soon  participated  in  maritime  affairs 
personally,  as  well  as  financially.  To  mention 
only  one  example,  Juceff  Faquin,  a  Jew  of  Bar 
celona,  "  had  navigated  the  whole  then  known 
world,"  as  King  Jaime  III.,  the  last  king  of 
Mallorca,  himself  testifies  in  1334.$ 

As  in  Aragon,  so  also  in  Castile  the  Jews  con 
tributed  to  the  development  of  the  navy.  When 
King  Sancho  IV.  formed  a  plan  to  wrest  Tarifa 
from  the  Moors,  he  found  that  he  had  not  money 
enough  to  equip  his  fleet.  In  this  emergency  Don 
Juda,  treasurer  of  the  queen  Maria  de  Molina, 
lent  him  twenty  thousand  maravedis  in  gold. 
Without  this  assistance  the  king  could  not  have 

*  Tourtoulon,yac;/z^  /.  le  ConquJrant,  liv.  4,  cap.  3  ;  Balaguer, 
Historia  de  Catahina,  liv.  6,  cap.  12  ;  Archivo  de  la  Corona  ds 
Aragon,  Reg.  12,  fol.  17. 

f  Balaguer,  liv.  7,  cap.  1 1  ;  Archivo  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon, 
Reg.  224,  fol.  119. 

\  Revue  des  Etitdes  Juivest  iv.  53  sq. 


4       THE  JEWS  AND  THE  PORTUGUESE  NA  YY. 

undertaken  the  expedition,  and  it  would  have 
been  necessary  to  postpone  the  conquest  of 
Tarifa.* 

The  first  ruler  of  Portugal  who  promoted  the 
development  of  a  navy  was  Sancho  II.,  whose 
reign  marks  the  beginning  of  that  country's  mari 
time  activity.  The  Jews  of  the  kingdom  were 
soon  required  to  furnish  an  anchor,  and  a  new 
cable  sixty  ells  long,  for  every  new  ship  fitted  out 
by  the  crown  (the  so-called  "fleet-tax");  and, 
already  in  early  times,  they  were  employed  in  the 
naval  service.f  Under  King  Joao  I.  discoveries 
and  conquests  began  along  the  African  coast. 
Ceuta,  the-  seven-hilled  city,  the  most  important 
fortress  of  Mauritania,  was  captured  in  1415,  and 
thus  the  end  was  attained  for  which  fame-loving 
princes  of  Portugal  had  long  and  ardently  sought. 
On  the  armada  which  was  sent  to  take  the  city, 
and  which  left  Lisbon  amid  the  plaudits  of  the 
whole  population,  there  were  also  Jews,  one  of 
whom  heroically  died  for  his  country  in  a  naval 

engagement.^ 

Joao  I.'s  third  son  Henry,  called  the  Navigator, 

*  J.  Amador  de  los  Rios,  Historia  de  los  Judios  de  Espana  y 
Portugal  [Madrid,  1876],  ii.  61. 

|  Ribeiro,  Dissert.,  iii.  2,  87  sq. ;  Kayserling,  Gesch.  dcr  Juden 
in  Portugal,  55. 

\  Chron.  do  Conde  D.  Pedro,  in  Collecfio  de  livros  iruditos  da 
Historia  Portugucza  [Lisbon,  1790],  ii.  259. 


JAIME  RIBES.  5 

had  accompanied  his  father  on  the  expedition 
against  Ceuta.  After  the  capture  of  the  city  he 
obtained  information  from  Jewish  travellers  con 
cerning  the  south  coast  of  Guinea  and  the  interior 
of  Africa.  This  information  convinced  him  that 
valuable  discoveries  could  be  made  along  the 
African  coast,  and  that  here  a  new  route  to  the 
land  of  the  legendary  Christian  king,  Prester  John, 
could  be  found.  In  his  zeal  to  acquire  new 
possessions  for  Portugal,  he  devoted  himself 
wholly  to  navigation,  and  applied  himself  assidu 
ously  to  nautical  studies.  He  desired,  above  all, 
to  provide  for  the  thorough  education  of  naviga 
tors,  and  hence  he  established  a  naval  academy,  or 
school  of  navigation,  at  the  Villa  do  Iffante,  or 
Sagres,  a  seaport  town  which  he  had  caused  to  be 
built.  To  this  school  he  called  the  most  distin 
guished  nautical  scholars  of  his  time,  and  appointed 
as  its  director  Mestre  Jaime  of  Mallorca. 

Alexander  von  Humboldt  in  his  Cosmos  asks, 
Who  was  this  Mestre  Jaime  ?  He  was  not  Jaime 
Ferrer,  the  discoverer  of  Rio  del  Oro,  as  writers 
long  supposed.  Our  Mestre  Jaime,  or  James,  early 
gained  the  reputation  of  a  great  mathematician, 
and  was  very  skilful  in  the  manufacture  of  maps 
and  nautical  instruments.*  His  real  name  was 

*  "  Mestre  Jacome,  homem  mui  docto  na  arte  de  navegar,  que 
fazia  cartas  e  instrumentos."  Barros,  Asia,  dec.  I,  cap.  16. 


6  JAIME  RIBES. 

Jafuda  or  Jehuda  Cresques.  He  was  the  son 
of  Abraham  Cresques  of  Palma,  the  capital  of 
Mallorca,  which  since  the  thirteenth  century  had 
been  the  chief  seat  of  nautical  knowledge.  Here, 
in  the  home  of  Raymond  Lull,  whose  Arte  de 
Navegar,  even  in  Columbus's  time,  was  considered 
the  best  nautical  treatise,  cartography  was  a 
special  object  of  study ;  and,  as  Gabriel  Llabres  y 
Quintana,  the  learned  vice-president  of  the  Luliana 
in  Palma,  states,  it  was  almost  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  the  Mallorcan  Jews. 

Jafuda  Cresques  was  so  prominent  in  this  art, 
to  which  he  had  devoted  himself  from  early  youth, 
that  the  people  called  him  lo  jueu  buscoler  or  el 
judio  de  las  brujclas,  "the  map- Jew  "  or  "  the  com 
pass-Jew,"  just  as  his  friend  Moses  Rimos,  or 
Raymundo  Barthomeu,*  was  popularly  known  as 
el  pergaminero,  "  the  parchment-maker."  The 
maps  of  Jafuda  Cresques  were  highly  prized,  not 
merely  by  navigators,  but  also  by  kings  and  princes. 
Juan  I.  of  Aragon  obtained  from  him  a  map  of 
the  world,  which  the  king  esteemed  so  much  that 
he  assigned  a  room  in  his  palace  at  Barcelona  for 

*  He  may  be  identical  with  the  Moses  Rimos  mentioned  in 
Steinschneider's  CataL  MSS.  Biblioth.  Reg.  Monachensis,  p.  36, 
who  bought  a  Hebrew  book  in  1371.  He  was  a  kinsman  of 
Moses  Rimos,  the  physician  and  poet,  who  died  in  Sicily,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-four,  in  1430. 


JAIME  RISES.  7 

its  custody ;  and  when  he  desired  to  make  a  pres 
ent  to  the  ruler  of  France,  he  could  think  of 
nothing  more  costly  than  this  map,  which  is  still 
preserved  as  a  precious  relic  in  the  National 
Library  in  Paris.  In  1387  King  Juan  obtained 
another  mapa  mundi  from  Jafuda  at  the  then 
high  price  of  sixty-eight  pounds.* 

The  celebrated  cosmographer,  the  maker  of  the 
renowned  Cataluna,  lived  peacefully  in  his  stately 
house  in  Mount  Zion  Street,  quite  near  to  the 
synagogue  of  Palma,  until  August  2,  1391,  when  a 
riot  broke  out  which  soon  assumed  the  character 
of  an  open  revolt.  The  furious  mob  attacked  the 
Jews,  who  had  no  presentiment  of  impending  evil, 
and,  before  the  governor  of  the  island  could  in 
terfere,  three  hundred  of  them  were  slain.  Eight 
hundred  took  refuge  in  the  royal  castle  or  in  the 
university,  while  many  others  fled  to  the  churches 
and  were  baptized.  Jehuda  Cresques,  assuming 
the  name  of  Jaime  Ribes,  sold  his  house,  left  the 
island,  and  by  virtue  of  privileges  granted  to  him 
by  the  king,  with  whom  he  stood  in  high  favor, 
he  settled  in  Barcelona,  the  dwelling-place  of 

*  G.  Llabres  y  Quintana,  Boletin  de  la  sociedad  arqueoldgica  Lu- 
liana,  1890,  p.  310  ;  Boletin  de  la  real  Academia  de  la  Historia  en 
Madrid,  xix.  375  sq.  See  also  Hamy,  Cresques  le  Juheu,  note  sur 
un  gfographe  juif  Catalan  de  la  fin  du  xiv.  stick  [Paris,  1891]. 
Hasdai  Cresques  should  not  be  confused  with  Jafuda  Cresques. 


8  JAIME  RIBES. 

several  of  his  relatives — Jafuda  Lobell  Cresques, 
Solomon  and  Azay  Cresques,  and  others.  Here 
he  continued  to  devote  himself  to  his  art,  receiv 
ing  employment  from  such  persons  as  King  Mar 
tin  of  Aragon,  until  1438.  In  that  year,  when 
nearly  sixty  years  old,  he  was  appointed  by  Prince 
Henry  director  of  the  newly- established  academy 
at  Sagres,  with  a  large  salary.  This  was  the  acad 
emy  in  which  was  laid  the  foundation  of  Colum- 
bus's  projects.  Mestre  Jaime  became  the  teacher 
of  the  Portuguese  in  the  art  of  navigation  as 
well  as  in  the  manufacture  of  nautical  instru 
ments  and  maps.  In  this  work  he  had  no  supe 
rior  in  his  day.  To  him  we  are  chiefly  indebted 
for  the  improvement  of  the  compass  and  for  the 
application  of  the  astronomical  astrolabe  to  navi 
gation.* 

From  Henry  the  Navigator,  who  lived  to  hear 
of  the  discovery  of  Cape  Verd  and  the  Azores, 
his  grand-nephew  Joao  II.,  who  became  King  of 
Portugal  in  1481,  seems  to  have  inherited  a  love 
of  exploration.  His  attention  was  constantly 
occupied  with  nautical  affairs  ;  he  desired,  above 

*  Barros,  Asia,  dec.  I,  cap.  16  :  "  D.  Henrique  mandou  vir 
Mestre  Jacome,  o  qual  Ihe  custou  muito,  pelo  trazer  en  este  Reyno 
pero  insinar  sua  sciencia  aos  officiaes  portuguezes."  Candido 
Lusitano,  Vida  do  Infante  D.  Henrique  [Lisbon,  1758],  196  sq.; 
Os  Portuguezes  em  Africa,  Asia  e  Oceania  [Lisbon,  1877],  i.  12. 


JOAO  II.    AND  HIS  JUNTA.  9 

all,  to  provide  navigators  with  mathematical  instru 
ments  for  the  determination  of  latitude  and  longi 
tude.  The  astrolabe,  to  the  development  of  which 
Jewish  scholars  such  as  Abraham  Ibn  Esra,  the 
physician  Jacob  ben  Machir  (also  called  Don  Pro- 
fatius),  Jacob  Carsoni,  and  others  had  contributed, 
was  still  imperfect ;  an  instrument  was  needed  by 
means  of  which  the  distance  of  a  ship  from  the 
equator  could  be  exactly  computed  by  the  vary 
ing  position  of  the  sun  in  the  different  seasons. 
King  Joao  requested  his  astronomical  junta  to 
devise  some  means  by  which  navigators  might, 
with  some  degree  of  certainty,  direct  their  course 
in  any  part  of  the  ocean,  and  thus  prevent  their 
vessels  from  going  astray.  This  junta,  or  com 
mission,  consisted  of  Diogo  Ortiz  Castellano, 
Bishop  of  Ceuta,  who  acted  as  president,  Mestre 
Joseph,  or  Joseph  Vecinho,*  the  court  physician 
Rodrigo,  the  mathematician  Moses,  and  the 
Nuremberg  navigator  and  cosmographer  Martin 
Behaim.  An  epoch  in  the  progress  of  nautical 
knowledge  was  made  by  the  improvement  of  the 
astrolabe,  and  by  the  invention  of  a  means  of 
determining  the  meridian  altitude  of  the  sun — an 
invention  by  which  later  discoveries  were  facili 
tated  and  perhaps  rendered  possible.  These 

*  Vecinho  was  the  king's  physician,  an  excellent  mathematician 
and  cosmographer,  a  pupil  of  Abraham  Zacuto. 


10  JOAO  II.   AND  HIS  JUNTA. 

improvements   were   in  great  part  due,  as  most 
writers  admit,  to  Portuguese  Jews.* 

From  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  the 
Portuguese  were  considered  the  foremost  naviga 
tors  of  the  world,  and  their  discoveries  evoked 
general  admiration.  King  Joao  gladly  received  and 
patronized  foreign  navigators,  and  all  who  were 
versed  in  nautical  affairs  or  in  cosmography. 

*Barros,  Asia,  dec.  I,  liv.  3,  cap.  2  ;  Telles  Sylvius,  De  rebus 
gestis  Johannis  II.,  90  ;  Maffei,  Historia  Indiarum,  51  ;  Mem. 
d.  Litt.  Portugueza,  viii.  163. 


CHAPTER   II. 

COLUMBUS  IN  LISBON,  AND  HIS  RELATIONS  TO  THE  JEWS  OF 
THAT  CITY  — His  SCIENTIFIC  EQUIPMENT  — His  NEGO 
TIATIONS  WITH  KING  JoAo— JOSEPH  VECINHO— THE  PORTU 
GUESE  EXPEDITION  TO  INDIA  ;  ABRAHAM  OF  BEJA  AND 
JOSEPH  ZAPATEIRO — COLUMBUS  IN  SPAIN. 

IN  1472  a  young  Genoese,  twenty-six  years  of 
age,  proceeded  to  the  capital  of  Portugal,  hoping 
to  find  there  the  best  outlet  for  his  nautical  zeal 
and  the  most  rapid  advancement  in  a  maritime 
career.  It  was  Cristoforo  Colombo,  or,  to  use 
the  Latin  form,  Christophorus  Columbus,  who, 
after  settling  in  Spain,  called  himself  Colon. 

Born  in  1446,  Columbus  was  the  son  of  a  poor  * 
weaver  of  Genoa.  He  spent  his  youth  in  Savona, 
a  small  maritime  town,  in  which,  as  in  Genoa, 
several  Jewish  families  dwelt  in  mediaeval  seclu 
sion.  He  and  his  brothers  helped  their  father  in 
his  work,  but  soon  Columbus  followed  his  natural 
inclination,  and  devoted  himself  to  navigation. 
Concerning  his  boyhood  days  and  his  education 
we  have  little  authentic  information  ;  there  is  no 
historical  evidence  that  he  enjoyed  the  advan 
tages  of  higher  education,  or  that  he  attended  the 
University  of  Pavia. 


12  COLUMBUS  IN  LISBON. 

In  1472  we  find  him  in  Lisbon.  Here,  a  few 
years  later,  he  married  Felipa  Moiliz,  whose  grand 
father  was  not,  as  some  assert,  of  Jewish  stock. 
Columbus  was  a  skilful  cartographer  and  draughts 
man.  He  supported  himself  by  drawing  maps,  in 
which  he  also  dealt,  just  as  later,  in  Andalusia,  he 
traded  in  printed  books.  He  was  no  stranger  to 
the  Jews  of  Lisbon.  Whether  he  had  intimate 
commercial  relations  with  them,  or  whether  in  his 
frequent  financial  troubles  he  obtained  assistance 
from  any  of  them,  it  is  difficult  to  determine. 
But  we  know  that  in  his  will  he  requested  that  "  a 
half  mark  in  silver  should  be  paid  to  a  Jew  dwell 
ing  at  the  gate  of  the  Jewry,  or  to  him  whom  a 
priest  would  designate."  *  Long  before  Colum 
bus  made  his  will  the  Jews  had  disappeared  from 
Lisbon. 

"  I  have  had  constant  relations,"  he  himself 
says,  "  with  many  learned  men,  clergy  and  lay 
men,  Jews  and  Moors,  and  many  others." f  He 
had  personal  intercourse  with  Martin  Behaim,  who 
was  about  the  same  age  as  Columbus,  also  with 
Joseph  Vecinho  (the  above-mentioned  mathema- 

*  "  A  un  Judio  que  moraba  a  la  puertade  la  Juderia  en  Lisboa, 
6  a  quien  mandate  un  sacerdote  el  valor  de  medio  marco  de 
plata."  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los  Viagcs  y  Descubrimientos,  ii. 
313  ;  Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos  de  Espana,  xvi.  424  sq. 

f  Libro  de  las  Profecias,  fol.  iv. 


CO LUM BUS'S  SCIENTIFIC  EQUIPMENT.       13 

tician  and  royal  physician),  and  with  other  learned 
Jews  of  Lisbon.  Vecinho  prepared  a  translation 
of  Zacuto's  astronomical  tables,  and  gave  a  copy 
to  Columbus,  who,  as  we  shall  see,  carried  it  on 
his  travels  and  found  it  of  very  great  service.* 

During  his  sojourn  of  several  years  in  Lisbon, 
which  was  interrupted  by  journeys  to  the  coast 
of  Guinea,  Columbus  worked  very  industriously 
and  perseveringly  to  add  to  his  meagre  knowl 
edge  of  mathematics  and  geography.  In  order 
to  carry  out  the  ambitious  plans  which  he  had 
formed,  he  devoted  his  attention  to  cosmography, 
philosophy,  history,  and  similar  subjects ;  several 
of  his  biographers  say  that  he  studied  Aristotle 
and  Duns  Scotus,  Pliny  and  Strabo,  Josephus  and 
Chronicles,  the  Church  Fathers  and  the  Arabian 
writings  of  the  Jews.  We  are  naturally  led  to 
inquire,  What  were  his  favorite  works?  What 
books  were  really  in  his  possession  ? 

The  treatises  which  he  studied  with  most  zeal 
were  ^Eneas  Sylvius's  Historia  rerum  ubique  ges- 
tarum  and  Bishop  Pierre  d'Ailly's  Imago  Mundi. 
This  latter  work,  it  may  be  incidentally  observed, 
had  already  in  the  fourteenth  century  been  trans 
lated  into  Hebrew.  Columbus's  knowledge  of 


*  It  was  afterwards  found  in  his  library.     Biblioteca  Colombina 
con  notas  del  Dr.  D.  Simdn  de  la  Rosa  y  Ldpez  [Seville,  1888],  i.  3. 


14      COLUMBUS'S  SCIENTIFIC  EQUIPMENT. 

Aristotle,  Strabo,  Seneca,  and  other  Latin  and 
Greek  classics  was  derived  from  Pierre  d'Ailly's 
book ;  the  Imago  Mundi  was  his  constant  travel 
ling  companion,  and  his  copy  of  it  is  filled  with  his 
own  marginal  annotations.  Besides  Zacuto's  astro 
nomical  tables,  already  mentioned,  he  possessed 
some  of  the  works  written  by  or  ascribed  to  Abra 
ham  Ibn  Esra;  for  example,  the  little  book  on 
the  "  Critical  Days,"  Liber  de  luminaribus  et  die- 
bus  criticis,  and  the  De  Nativitatibus*  Ibn  Esra 
was  an  eminent  man  of  learning;  his  name  was 
honored  by  Christians  as  well  as  Jews.  Zacuto 
doubtless  called  Columbus's  attention  to  the  De 
Nativitatibus  during  the  latter's  residence  in  Sala 
manca  ;  he  bought  a  copy  of  it  in  that  city,  accord 
ing  to  a  note  in  his  own  handwriting,  for  forty-one 
maravedis.f  Later,  in  Spain,  he  read  with  religious 
zeal  the  tract  on  the  Messiah,  which  was  written 
by  the  proselyte  Samuel  Ibn  Abbas  of  Morocco 
for  the  purpose  of  converting  R.  Isaac  of  Sujur- 
mente  ;  it  had  been  translated  into  Spanish  in  1339, 
and  into  Latin  a  hundred  years  later.  This  book 
interested  Columbus  so  much  that  he  excerpted 

*  It  was  printed  in  Venice  in  1485  :  De  Nativitatibus  al  reverso 
de  la  hoja  primera  con  circulo  dividido  en  grados  y  con  lineas  geo- 
metricas.  Venetiis,  A°  MCCCCLXXXV,  nona  Kalend.  Janu- 
arii. 

f  These  books  are  now  in  the  Colombina  at  Seville.  See  Biblio- 
teca  Colombina,  i.  3. 


COLUMBUS  AND  JOAO  II. 

three  whole  chapters.*  He  was  also  very  fond  of 
reading  the  Bible  and  the  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra, 
which  was  probably  written  by  a  Jew  who  lived 
outside  of  Palestine.  According  to  his  own  asser 
tion,  the  incentive  that  impelled  him  to  plan 
his  discoveries  was  not  a  love  of  science,  but  his 
interpretation  of  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah. 

In  Portugal  Columbus  earnestly  conceived  the 
idea  of  making  maritime  discoveries  by  way  of 
the  west.  He  wished  to  find  a  new  ocean  route 
to  the  regions  of  Cathay  and  Cipango,  which  were 
reputed  to  be  rich  in  gold  and  spices ;  and  also  to 
the  realm  of  the  priest-king  John,  whose  letter  to 
Pope  Eugene  IV.,  or  to  Emperor  Frederick  III., 
a  Jew  is  said  to  have  first  published  in  the  middle 
of  the  fifteenth  century.  Henry  the  Navigator 
had  already  conceived  a  similar  plan,  and  the 
Portuguese  kings  never  lost  sight  of  it.  This 
bold  conception  took  firm  root  in  the  mind  of 
Columbus,  mainly  through  a  letter  which  the 
great  Florentine  physician  and  astrologer  Tos- 
canelli  sent  to  King  Joao  through  the  monk 

*  Libra  de  las  Profecias,  fol.  13,  in  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los 
Viages,  ii.  260  sq. ;  R.  Semuel  Israel\Ismael\oriundtts  de  Civitate 
regis  morochorum  ad  R.  Isaac  Magistrum  Synagoga  qua  est  in 
Subjulmeta,  trasl.  de  hebreo  vel  de  arabicoin  lat.  p.  Franc.  Al fan- 
sum  Boni-Hominis,  Hispanum  ord.  Predicatorum  [1438],  It  was 
originally  written  in  Arabic. 


% 


1 6  COLUMBUS  AND  JOAO   II. 

Fernando  Martinez.  Columbus  applied  to  Tos- 
canelli  for  a  copy  of  this  letter,  and  received  it 
through  Girardi,  a  Genoese,  who  was  then  living 
in  Lisbon. 

Columbus  at  length  proceeded  to  carry  out  his 
project.  He  laid  before  King  Joao  a  proposition 
to  lead  a  squadron  along  the  African  coast,  and 
thence  across  the  ocean  to  the  land  whose  wealth 
Marco  Polo  had  so  misleadingly  described.  The 
sullen,  distrustful  monarch  regarded  Columbus  as 
a  visionary  babbler,  and,  especially  on  account  of 
the  navigator's  enormous  demands,  saw  in  his 
scheme  more  pride  than  truth.  But  Joao  laid  the 
matter  before  his  nautical  junta,  consisting  of 
Diogo  Ortiz,  Bishop  of  Ceuta,  and  the  court 
physicians  Joseph  and  Rodrigo.  They  regarded 
the  project  as  chimerical,  and  said  that  the  whole 
plan  rested  on  Columbus's  visionary  conception  of 
Marco  Polo's  Island  of  Cipango.*  Nevertheless 
the  king  considered  the  matter  of  such  importance 
that  he  submitted  it  for  further  consideration  to 
his  council  of  state,  in  which  Pedro  de  Menezes, 
Count  of  Villa-Real,  exercised  a  dominant  influence. 
Menezes  thought  that  the  exploration  of  the 

*  "  El  Rey  porque  via  ser  estc  Christovao  Colon  .  .  .  mandou 
que  estivesse  com  D.  Diogo  Ortiz,  Bispo  do  Ceuta,  c  com  mes- 
tre  Rodrigo  e  mestre  Josepe,  a  qucm  elle  commetia  estas  cousas 
da  ccsmografia."  Barros,  Asia,  dec.  i,  liv.  3,  cap.  n. 


JOSEPH    VECINHO.  \J 

African  coast  would  be  more  conducive  to  the  in 
terests  of  Portugal,  and  hence  he  advised  the  king 
not  to  be  misled  by  the  visions  of  Columbus.  In 
a  long  speech  the  count  dwelt  upon  his  reasons 
for  giving  this  advice.  His  arguments  were  based 
mainly  on  the  views  of  Joseph  Vecinho,  who  was 
his  as  well  as  the  king's  physician,  and  whom  he 
regarded  as  the  highest  authority  in  nautical 
matters.* 

The  ruler  of  Portugal  finally  refused  to  assist 
Columbus  in  his  plans  of  exploration ;  or,  as 
Columbus  expressed  it  in  May,  1505,  in  a  letter 
to  Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  God  had  so  stricken  the 
king  with  blindness  that  during  fourteen  years  he 
could  not  perceive  what  was  desired  of  him.f  The 
explorer  was  greatly  exasperated  by  Joao's  refusal, 
and  his  anger  was  particularly  directed  against 
"  the  Jew  Joseph/'  to  whom  he  attributed  the 
chief  blame  in  the  miscarriage  of  his  plans.  His 
manuscript  notes  in  the  Colombina  in  Seville  men 
tion  Vecinho  twice.  In  these  passages  Columbus 
states  that  the  King  of  Portugal  sent  his  "  physi 
cian  and  astrologer"  Joseph  to  measure  the  alti 
tude  of  the  sun  throughout  Guinea,  and  that  "  the 

*  "  Mestre  Josepe  ...  a  que  o  Conde  dava  grande  authori- 
dade."  Ruy  de  Pina,  Chron.  do  Conde  D.  Duarte,  in  Collecgio  de 
livros  ineditos,  iii.  54. 

f  Navarrete,  Colcccion  de  los  Viages,  iii.  528. 
2 


1 8       PORTUGUESE  EXPEDITION    TO  INDIA. 

Jew  Joseph"  gave  an  account  of  this  mission  to 
the  king  in  presence  of  Christopher's  brother  Bar 
tholomew  and  many  others ;  probably  Columbus 
himself  was  also  present.* 

Portugal  did  not,  however,  abandon  the  hope  of 
finding  an  ocean  route  to  India,  even  without  for 
eign  aid.  The  wily,  parsimonious  king  wished  to 
turn  Columbus's  plans  to  account,  without  con 
ceding  any  of  the  latter's  demands.  Hence,  in 
May,  1487,  he  sent  to  the  Levant  two  knights  of 
his  court,  Affonso  de  Payva  and  Pedro  de  Covil- 
hao.  They  departed  from  Lisbon  with  orders  to 
seek  information  concerning  India  and  the  king 
dom  of  Prester  John,  and  they  were  intrusted 
with  letters  to  this  monarch  from  the  Portuguese 
ruler.  Affonso  de  Payva  took  the  route  to 
Ethiopia,  and  proceeded  along  the  African  coast 
to  Sambaya,  in  company  with  a  Jewish  merchant 
whom  he  met  on  the  way.  The  two  soon  bc- 

*  Columbus's  manuscript  note  in  ^Eneas  Sylvius's  Historia 
rerum  ubique  gestarum  [Venice,  1477],  p.  25:  "  Nota  quod 
serenissimus  rex  portugalise  misit  in  guineam  anno  domini  1485 
Josephum  fixicum  e/ttsetastrofogumadczpicndum  altitudinem  solis 
in  tola  guinea,  qui  omnia  adimplevit  et  renuntiavit  dicto  serenis- 
simo  regi  me  presente  cum  multis  aliis  in  die  xi.  marcii."  Manu 
script  note  in  Pierre  d'Ailly's  De  imagine  mundi,  p.  42  :  "  Luego 
proximante  a  Mar9O  de  1485  c\\o.\\^.QeljndioJosep.rio  hacia  relacion 
al  Rey  accrca  del  rcsultado  dc  su  comision,  D.  Bartholomeo  se  hallo 
presente  en  este  acto." 


ABRAHAM  OF  BEJA  AND  JOSEPH  ZAPATEIRO.    19 

came  intimate  friends,  and  De  Payva  confided  to 
his  companion  the  object  of  his  journey.  Soon 
after  their  arrival  in  Ormuz  he  was  stricken  with 
a  fatal  illness,  to  the  great  sorrow  of  his  Jewish 
friend,  who  solemnly  promised  the  dying  man  to 
return  to  Lisbon  and  give  the  king  an  accurate 
account  of  all  they  had  learned  on  their  journey. 
The  Jew  faithfully  kept  his  word.* 

Pedro  de  Covilhao,  for  whom,  at  the  king's  com 
mand,  Vecinho  and  Rodrigo  had  prepared  a  terres 
trial  globe,f  visited  Goa,  Calicut,  and  Aden,  and 
pushed  onward  as  far  as  Sofala,  on  the  east  coast 
of  South  Africa.  He  then  returned  to  Cairo,  where 
he  and  De  Payva  had  agreed  to  meet.  Here  he 
found  two  Jews  from  Portugal  awaiting  him,  the 
learned  Abraham  of  Beja  and  Joseph  Zapateiro 
of  Lamego.  They  brought  the  knight  letters  and 
orders  from  the  king.  Joseph  had  formerly  visited 
Bagdad,  and  when  he  returned  to  Portugal  he  in 
formed  King  Joao  of  what  he  had  learned  concern 
ing  Ormuz,  the  chief  emporium  for  the  spices  of 
India.  Joao  requested  him  and  the  linguist  Abra 
ham  to  go  in  search  of  the  errant  Covilhao,  and  to 
direct  him  to  send  to  Lisbon,  through  Joseph,  news 
concerning  the  success  of  his  expedition  ;  and  there- 

*  Collecfao  de  Documentos  ineditos para  a  Hisloria  das  Conquistas 
dos  Portuguezes  [Lisbon,  1858],  i.  6. 

f  Mariz,  Dialogos,  dial.  4,  cap.  10,  p.  315. 


20  COLUMBUS  IN  SPAIN. 

after,  in  company  with  Abraham,  to  secure  accu 
rate  information  about  affairs  in  Ormuz.  Accord 
ingly,  Joseph  Zapateiro  joined  a  caravan  whose 
goal  was  Aleppo,  and  carried  back  to  Portugal  all 
the  information  that  Covilhao  had  gathered  from 
Indian  and  Arabian  mariners.  The  knight  in 
formed  the  king  that,  by  proceeding  along  the 
west  coast,  the  Portuguese  could  without  difficulty 
reach  the  southern  extremity  of  Africa.  But 
before  Joseph  arrived  at  his  destination,  it  was 
already  known  in  Lisbon  that  Bartholomew  Diaz 
had  not  merely  discovered,  but  had  also  doubled, 
Cabo  Tormentoso,  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.* 

After  his  offers  had  been  rejected  by  the  king, 
Columbus  resolved  to  leave  Portugal,  hoping  to 
secure  assistance  elsewhere  for  the  execution  of 
his  plans — in  Genoa,  in  Venice,  or  from  the  King 
of  France.  His  situation  was  indeed  most 
wretched.  He  had  lost  his  wife;  he  was  poor, 
and  was  daily  pressed  by  his  creditors,  so  that  he 
had  to  depart  from  Lisbon  secretly,  at  night,  with 
his  little  son  Diego.  He  left  Portugal  in  1484,  and 
proceeded  toward  Huelva,  where  he  intended  to 
place  his  child  in  charge  of  his  wife's  married 
sister.  After  trying  in  vain  to  induce  Enrique 
de  Guzman,  the  Duke  of  Medina-Sidonia,  to  co 
operate  with  him  in  his  projects  of  discovery,  he 

*  Garcia  de  Resende,  Chron.  del  Rey  D.  JoUo  //.,  fol.  29. 


COLUMBUS  IN  SPAIN.  21 

applied  to  Luis  de  la  Cerda,  the  first  Duke  of 
Medina-Celi,  one  of  the  richest  princes  of  Anda-  ~ 
lusia.  Luis,  in  whose  veins  Jewish  blood  flowed 
(his  grandmother  was  of  Jewish  stock*),  received 
him  hospitably,  kept  him  in  his  palace  for  a  long 
time,f  and  seemed  inclined  to  undertake  the  ex 
pedition  at  his  own  expense,  especially  as  Colum- 
bus  demanded  only  three  or  four  thousand  ducats 
in  order  to  secure  two  caravels.  To  equip  ships 
it  was  necessary,  however,  to  obtain  the  assent  of 
the  crown,  but  permission  was  refused.  Then  the 
duke  wrote  from  Rota  to  the  queen,  and  on  his 
recommendation,  Columbus,  after  a  long  delay, 
secured  access  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  Ferdi 
nand  of  Aragon  and  Isabella  of  Castile. 

*  El  Tizon  de  la  Nobkza  Espanola  [Barcelona,  n.  d.],  71. 

\  There  is  no  proof  that  Columbus  was  the  duke's  guest  for 
two  years,  as  his  biographers  assert.  In  the  duke's  letter  to  the 
Cardinal  of  Spain,  he  says  :  "  Yo  tuve  en  mi  casa  mucho  tiempo  a 
C.  Colon." 


CHAPTER   III. 

COLUMBUS  IN  SPAIN — POLITICAL  CONDITION  OF  ARAGON  AND 
CASTILE — FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA — ABRAHAM  SENIOR — 
STATUS  AND  POLITICAL  INFLUENCE  OF  JEWS  AND  MARRANOS 
— THE  INQUISITION  AND  ITS  VICTIMS. 

COLUMBUS  sought  his  fortune  at  the  Spanish 
court  during  a  period  of  violent  political  revolu 
tions.  It  was  not  an  opportune  time  for  him  to 
secure  aid  for  his  enterprise  from  the  rulers  of 
Spain.  Discord  prevailed  in  Castile  and  Ara- 
gon,  in  Catalonia  and  Navarre,  and  war  raged 
along  the  southern  frontier  of  the  Iberian  Penin 
sula. 

Under  the  amiable  but  impotent  King  Henry 
IV.,  Castile  had  been  in  a  condition  of  anarchy. 
On  every  side  plots  were  formed  by  turbulent 
grandees,  dissatisfied  with  the  king  and  with 
his  government.  The  crown  was  impoverished  ; 
even  in  the  royal  palace  the  most  pressing  wants 
often  remained  unsatisfied.  The  conduct  of  the 
pleasure-loving  queen  evoked  all  kinds  of  rumors. 
Beltran  de  la  Cueva  was  her  favorite,  and  the 
people  called  her  daughter  Beltraneja.  The  king, 
who  had  long  been  a  constant  object  of  ridicule, 


CONDITION  OF  A R AGON  AND   CASTILE.      23 

was  at  length  dethroned,  and  his  brother  Alfonso 
was  proclaimed  his  successor  (1465). 

The  situation  was  not  much  better  in  the  lands 
over  which  Juan  II.  of  Aragon  ruled.  Catalonia 
was  in  arms  ;  Aragon  was  threatened  with  the  out 
break  of  a  revolt ;  Navarre  was  the  scene  of  bloody 
conflicts  occasioned  by  the  king's  own  son,  Carlos 
de  Viana,  who  claimed  the  right  to  rule  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  his  mother's  heir.  After  the 
death  of  his  first  wife,  who  was  a  French  princess, 
King  Juan,  at  the  age  of  fifty,  had  married  Juana 
Enriquez,  the  daughter  of  Fadrique  Enriquez, 
Admiral  of  Castile.  She  was  the  grandchild  of 
the  beautiful  Paloma,  a  Jewess  of  Toledo,  and  she 
bore  the  king  a  son,  Ferdinand,  whom  historians 
call  the  Catholic.*  To  secure  her  son  the  succes 
sion  to  the  throne,  Queen  Juana,  a  woman  of 
virile  strength  and  intrepid  spirit,  did  all  in  her 
power  to  prejudice  the  king  against  Carlos  de 
Viana,  of  whom  the  people  were  very  fond  ;  in 
deed,  Juan,  in  compliance  with  the  wish  of  the 
Catalonian  cortes,  intended  to  declare  Don  Carlos 
his  successor.  But  Juana  persuaded  the  king  that 
the  prince  was  conspiring  against  his  life  and 

*  De  Vita  et  Scriptis  Elicz  Kapsali  .  .  .  acced.  Excerpta  ad 
Judeorum  historian  pertincntia  ex  MS.  Kapsalii  Ilistoria  [Padua, 
1869],  p.  58.  The  manuscript  of  Kapsali's  chronicle  is  in  the 
Ambrosiana  in  Milan. 


24  FERDINAND  AND  ISABELLA. 

crown,  and  that,  by  marrying  Isabella  of  Castile, 
he  intended  to  form  a  coalition  with  the  latter's 
brother,  Henry  IV.  Don  Carlos  was  soon  gotten 
rid  of  by  poison,  and  an  open  revolt  against  the 
crown  then  broke  out. 

King  Juan's  most  loyal  adherents  were  the 
Jews,  and  they  rendered  him  important  services. 
For  example,  the  skill  of  Abiatar  Aben  Crescas, 
his  court  physician  and  astrologer,  restored  his 
eyesight.  The  king  exhibited  so  much  liberality 
and  good-will  towards  the  Jews  that  his  death 
caused  them  profound  grief.  Several  Jewish  com 
munities  of  the  kingdom  assembled  at  Cervera  to 
hold  a  memorial  service ;  they  sang  Hebrew 
psalms  and  Spanish  funeral  songs,  and  Aben 
Crescas  delivered  a  eulogy  on  the  character  of 
the  good  monarch.* 

Juan's  long-cherished  hope  to  unite  Aragon  and 
Castile  was  virtually  realized  before  he  died.  In 
1469  his  son  Ferdinand  married  Isabella  of  Cas 
tile,  Henry  IV.'s  sister,  who,  after  the  death  of  her 
brother  Alfonso,  had  been  recognized  as  his  suc 
cessor,  and  had  been  proclaimed  ruler  of  Castile, 
though  she  did  not  really  succeed  to  the  throne 
until  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV.  in  1474.  The 
accomplishment  of  this  marriage  was  materially 
promoted  by  Jews  and  Marranos,  for  it  was  as- 

*  Balaguer,  Historia  de  Cataluiia,  lib.  17,  cap.  27. 


ABRAHAM  SENIOR.  2$ 

sumed  that  Ferdinand  would,  like  his  father,  be 
friendly  towards  the  Jews,  especially  as  he  himself 
had  inherited  Jewish  blood  from  his  mother.  Don 
Abraham  Senior  was  particularly  prominent  in  the 
matrimonial  negotiations.  He  was  a  rich  Jew  of 
Segovia,  who,  owing  to  his  sagacity,  his  eminent 
services,  and  his  position  as  the  king's  chief  farmer 
of  taxes,  exerted  great  influence.  He  urged  the 
grandees  of  Castile  to  support  the  proposed  mar 
riage  between  the  Princess  Isabella,  who  had  many 
suitors,  and  the  distinguished  Ferdinand  of  Ara- 
gon,  who  was  already  King  of  Sicily,  and  who, 
even  in  his  early  youth,  had  displayed  much  valor. 
Although  Don  Abraham  met  with  violent  oppo 
sition  from  a  part  of  the  Castilian  nobility,  he 
induced  the  prince  to  make  a  secret  journey  to 
Toledo.  Isabella,  who  was  favorably  inclined 
toward  her  cousin  of  Aragon,  readily  agreed  to  a 
meeting.  Ferdinand  started  on  the  journey  with 
out  delay.  Being  destitute  of  means,  he  secured 
a  loan  of  twenty  thousand  sueldos  from  his  "  be 
loved  servant,"  Jaime  Ram,  the  son  of  a  rabbi, 
and  one  of  the  most  distinguished  jurists  of  his 
time.*  Ferdinand  then  crossed  the  frontier  of 


*  In  1474  Ferdinand  ordered  his  treasurer  to  repay  the  twenty 
thousand  sueldos  to  his  "amado  criado  "  Jaime  Ram.  The  docu 
ment,  dated  Caceres,  March  10,  1474,  is  in  the  Arch,  de  la  Corona 
de  Aragon,  Reg.  3633,  fol.  80  dorse. 


26  ABRAHAM  SENIOR. 

Castile  in  disguise,  and  found  shelter  in  the  house 
of  Abraham  Senior,  who  took  him  quietly  at  night 
to  the  expectant  princess.* 

Pedro  de  la  Caballeria,  a  very  rich  and  distin 
guished  young  Marrano  of  Saragossa,  a  member 
of  a  family  with  many  branches,  was  then  en 
trusted  with  the  task  of  winning  over  persons  of 
rank  who  opposed  the  marriage  project — Alfonso 
Carillo,  the  fickle  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  Pedro 
Gonzales  de  Mendoza,  Bishop  of  Siguenza,  who 
later  became  Cardinal  of  Spain,  and  others.  By 
his  power  of  persuasion,  and  by  the  extensive 
resources  at  his  disposal,  he,  in  fact,  contrived 
that  Ferdinand  should  be  preferred  to  the  King 
of  Portugal,  the  Duke  of  Berri,  the  King  of  Eng 
land,  and  all  of  Isabella's  other  suitors.  Pedro  de 
la  Caballeria  also  had  the  distinguished  honor  of 
presenting  to  the  royal  brfde,  as  Ferdinand's  nup 
tial  gift,  a  costly  necklace  valued  at  forty  thou 
sand  ducats,  and  of  paying  the  whole  or  a  large 
part  of  its  cost.  The  crown  of  Aragon  was,  in  fact, 
so  impoverished  in  those  days  that,  on  the  death 
of  King  Juan,  in  1479,  jewels  had  to  be  taken  from 
the  treasury  and  sold,  in  order  to  bury  him  with 
such  obsequies  as  were  appropriate  to  royalty.f 

*  Kapsali,  op.  cit.,  60  ?q.;  Mariana,  De  Rebus  Hispanitz,  lib. 
24,  cap.  i. 

f  Zurita,  Analcs  dc  Aragon,  iv.  165. 


STATUS  OF  JEWS  AND  MARRANOS.  27 

Abraham  Senior,  the  intimate  friend  of  the 
influential  Andreas  de  Cabrera  of  Segovia,  re 
mained  Isabella's  most  loyal  adherent.  He  and 
Cabrera  succeeded  in  effecting  a  reconciliation  be 
tween  her  and  her  brother  King  Henry.  Abraham 
stood  so  high  in  the  esteem  of  the  queen  and  the 
grandees  that,  in  1480,  the  cortes  in  Toledo,  in 
recognition  of  his  eminent  services  to  the  state, 
granted  him  a  yearly  stipend  of  ten  thousand 
maravedis  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  royal  taxes.* 

In  Castile,  as  well  as  in  Aragon,  certain  Jews,  and 
especially  many  Marranos,  wielded  considerable 
influence.  The  name  "  Marrano  "  was  applied  to 
persons  of  Jewish  stock  whose  parents  or  grand 
parents  had  been  driven  by  despair  and  dire  per 
secution  to  accept  Christianity.  The  conversion 
was,  however,  only  external,  or  feigned ;  at  heart 
they  adhered  loyally  to  their  ancestral  religion. 
Though  outwardly  Christians,  they  secretly  ob 
served  the  tenets  of  the  Jewish  faith  ;  this  was 
not  infrequently  true  even  in  the  case  of  those 
who  had  become  dignitaries  of  the  Church.  They 
celebrated  the  sabbath  and  holidays,  assembled 
in  subterranean  or  other  secret  synagogues,  and 
practised  Jewish  rites  in  their  homes.  They 
thus  remained  Jews,  and  eventually  they  suf- 

*  Coleccion  de  Documentos  ineditos  para  la  Historia  de  Espana, 
xiii.  196. 


28  STATUS  OF  JEWS  AND  MARRANOS. 

fered  torture  and  torments  for  their  adhesion  to 
Judaism.*  The  people  and  the  rulers  knew  all 
this,  but  for  a  long  time  the  Marranos  were  not 
molested,  because,  though  they  generally  married 
within  their  own  class,  their  family  alliances 
extended  into  the  highest  strata  of  society. 
Their  services  were,  moreover,  regarded  as  indis 
pensable.  By  their  wealth,  intelligence,  and 
ability,  they  obtained  the  most  important  offices 
and  positions  of  trust ;  they  were  employed  in  the 
cabinets  of  rulers,  in  the  administration  of  the 
finances,  in  the  higher  law-courts,  and  in  the  cortes. 
Though  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  were  united  by 
marriage,  each  had  the  guidance  of  a  separate 
kingdom,  so  that  they  lived  like  two  allied  mon- 
archs.  They  had  not  merely  separate  kingdoms, 
but  also  separate  administrations  and  separate 
royal  councils.  The  most  important  positions  in 
these  councils  were  held  by  Marranos — members 
of  the  families  of  De  la  Caballeria,  Sanchez,  Sant- 
angel,  and  others.  Just  as  Luis  de  la  Caballeria, 
the  son  of  Don  Bonafos,  had  been  the  confidant 
of  King  Juan  of  Aragon,  so  Jaime  de  la  Cabal 
leria,  the  brother  of  Luis,  was  the  confidential 
friend  of  Ferdinand.  Jaime  accompanied  him  on 
his  first  journey  to  Naples,  and  constantly  attended 
him  with  all  the  pomp  of  a  prince.  Alfonso,  an- 

*  Kapsali,  op.  cit.,  56. 


STATUS  OF  JEWS  AND  MARRANOS.          29 

0ther  brother  of  Luis,  occupied  the  high  position 
of  Vice-Chancellor  of  Aragon,  and  Martin  de  la 
Caballeria  was  commander  of  the  fleet  at  Mallorca. 
Luis  Sanchez,  a  son  of  the  rich  Eleasar  Usuf  of 
Saragossa,  was  appointed  president  of  the  highest 
tribunal  of  Aragon ;  Gabriel  Sanchez  was  chief 
treasurer,  and  his  brother  Alfonso  was  deputy- 
treasurer.  Guillen  Sanchez,  Ferdinand's  cup 
bearer,  was  later  promoted  to  the  office  of  royal 
treasurer,  and  his  brother  Francisco  was  made 
steward  of  the  royal  household.  Ferdinand  also 
appointed  Francisco  Gurrea,  Gabriel  Sanchez's 
son-in-law,  governor  of  Aragon.  Whenever  Ferdi 
nand  needed  money  he  applied  to  the  Santangels, 
who  had  commercial  houses  in  Calatayud,  Sara 
gossa,  and  Valencia ;  of  this  family  more  will  be 
said  later.  The  Marranos  Miguel  de  Almazan 
and  Caspar  de  Berrachina,  the  son  of  Abiatar 
Xamos,  were  the  king's  private  secretaries. 

In  the  cities,  in  the  administration  of  public 
revenues,  in  the  army,  judiciary,  and  cortes,  the 
Marranos,  as  has  already  been  intimated,  held 
important  and  influential  offices.  They  were  par 
ticularly  prominent  in  Saragossa;  this  was  the 
richest  city  of  Aragon,  owing  to  its  extensive 
industries,  which  were  largely  conducted  by  Jews 
and  Marranos.  In  Saragossa  the  Marrano  Pedro 
Monfort  was  vicar-general  of  the  archbishopric; 


30          STATUS  OF  JEWS  AND  MARRANOS. 

Juan  Cabrero  was  archdeacon ;  and  the  priors  of 
the  cathedral  were  Dr.  Lopez,  a  grandson  of 
Mayer  Pazagon  of  Calatayud,  and  Juan  Artal,  a 
grandson  of  Pedro  de  Almazan.  One  of  the  chief 
bailiffs  of  Saragossa  was  Pedro  de  la  Cabra,  a  son 
of  the  Jew  Nadassan  Malmerca.  Not  less  influ 
ential  than  in  Aragon  and  at  the  Aragonese  court 
were  the  Marranos  who  enjoyed  the  confidence  of 
Queen  Isabella.  Her  privy  councillors  and  private 
secretaries  were  sons  and  grandsons  of  Jews  ;  even 
her  confessor,  Hernando  de  Talavera,  was  the 
grandson  of  a  Jewess. 

The  fact  that  the  Marranos,  whose  number  in 
the  whole  of  Spain  was  very  large,  possessed  great 
wealth  and  were  everywhere  esteemed  for  their 
intelligence,  aroused  envy  and  hatred.  The  fact 
that  they  also  loyally  adhered  to  their  ancestral 
religion  and  had  active  intercourse  with  the  Jews, 
disturbed  the  fanatic  portion  of  the  Spanish  clergy. 
In  1478,  the  same  year  in  which  Muley  Abul 
Hasan  received  the  Spanish  ambassador  for  the 
last  time,  in  the  most  magnificent  chamber  of  the 
Alhambra,  and  renounced  the  Spanish  tribute, 
there  assembled  in  Seville  a  number  of  clergymen, 
most  of  them  Dominicans.  Isabella  was  tempora 
rily  residing  in  that  city,  and  she  presided  over 
the  meeting.  Its  object  was  to  determine  what 
could  be  done  to  fortify  and  invigorate  the  Chris- 


THE  INQUISITION.  3! 

tian  faith,  especially  among  the  Marranos.  The 
clergy  tried  to  convince  the  queen  that  the  ordi 
nary  means  of  conversion,  recommended  by  her, 
remained  ineffective  in  the  case  of  the  New  Chris 
tians,  who  did  not  believe  in  the  fundamental 
doctrines  of  Christianity,  but  tenaciously  clung  to 
Judaism.  Hence  the  assembly  recommended  the 
introduction  of  the  Inquisition  in  >the  form  in 
which  it  already  existed  in  Sicily. ^Fefcdifiand,  who 
in  his  boundless  avarice  and  insatiable  greed  was 
always  guided  by  considerations  of  self-interest  and 
egoism,  gladly  accepted  the  proposition. 

It  has  long  been  known,  and  Spanish  historians 
of  the  present  day  freely  admit,  that  the  introduc 
tion  of  the  Inquisition  was  due  not  so  much  to 
religious  zeal  as  to  material  considerations  ;  it  was 
used  as  an  instrument  of  avarice  and  of  political 
absolutism.  One  aim  of  the  power-loving  king 
was  to  humble  and  subdue  the  Castilian  nobles, 
who  possessed  great  privileges,  and  among  whom 
were  not  a  few  Marranos.  His  chief  object  was, 
however,  to  secure  the  wealth  of  the  Marranos.  A 
conflict  with  the  Moors  was  inevitable ;  the  signal 
of  war  had  already  been  given.  The  royal  treas 
ury  was  empty.  The  people  were  already  over 
burdened  with  taxes,  and  even  the  clergy  were 
taxed,  a  thing  that  had  never  before  happened  in 
Spain.  The  king  regarded  the  introduction  of  the 


32  THE  INQUISITION. 

Inquisition,  and  the  confiscation  of  the  property 
of  its  victims,  as  the  only  available  method  of  im 
proving  the  desperate  financial  situation.  Already 
in  the  cortes  of  1465  certain  extremists  had  pro 
posed  to  prosecute  the  secret  Jews,  and  to  use 
their  property  in  carrying  on  a  war  of  extermina 
tion  against  the  Moors.  This  project  was  executed 
fifteen  years  later  by  Ferdinand.  As  soon  as  the 
first  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  was  established, 
Fernando  Yafios  de  Lobon  was  ordered  to  transfer 
to  the  royal  treasury  the  property  of  all  condemned 
Jews.*  The  Inquisition  enabled  the  king  to  satisfy 
his  ambition  fully.  Just  as  Ferdinand,  who  was  a 
dissembling  bigot  rather  than  a  devout  Christian, 
always  talked  religion,  so  he  always  commended 
peace,  although  he  really  desired  to  conquer  the 
Moors,  and  to  declare  war  against  France  after 
Louis  XL's  death.  He,  the  ruler  of  a  small  king 
dom,  wished  to  become  the  head  of  a  great  state ; 
the  grandchild  of  the  Toledan  Jewess  wrapped 
himself  in  the  mantle  of  piety  in  order  to  elevate 
himself  to  the  position  of  the  most  Catholic  king. 
The  pious  Isabella,  who  disliked  to  glorify  reli 
gion  at  the  expense  of  humanity,  long  opposed  the 

*  "  El  Licdo  Fernand  Yafios  de  Lobon,  Adelantaide  de  Casa  i 
Corte  va  comisiado  para  cobrar  los  bienes  de  los  Judios  que  ban 
seido  e  fueron  condenados  por  los  inquisidores."  Arch,  de  Sevilla, 
Libra  de  Cartas  de  1480,  fol.  5,  Coleccion  Munoz  (Bibl.  de  la 
Academia  de  la  Ilistoria  en  Madrid). 


THE  INQUISITION.  3$ 

introduction  of  the  Inquisition,  but  she  finally 
yielded  to  the  exhortations  of  her  exalted  prelates 
and  to  the  urgent  solicitations  of  her  husband. 
She  was  the  pliant  tool  of  spiritual  advisers,  who 
exercised  unrestricted  dominion  over  her,  and 
virtually  made  her  their  slave.  When,  for  ex 
ample,  she  requested  her  confessor,  Hernando  de 
Talavera,  who  later  became  Archbishop  of  Granada, 
to  allow  her  to  confess  either  standing  or  sitting, 
he  refused  both  alternatives,  and  insisted  that  she, 
the  queen,  should  kneel  at  his  feet.  She  yielded 
to  his  demand  without  a  word  of  protest.  It  was 
entirely  due  to  her  that  the  Inquisition  did  not 
begin  its  horrible  work  until  two  years  after  per 
mission  for  its  establishment  in  Castile  had  been 
granted  by  the  pope. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  consider  in  detail  the 
history  of  this  institution  with  its  cruel  tortures, 
its  scandalous  procedure,  and  its  thousands  of 
victims.  In  composing  such  a  history  the  pen 
must  be  dipped  in  blood  and  tears,  and  the  writer 
should  turn  to  account  the  great  mass  of  unprinted 
material  preserved  in  the  state  archives  at  Alcala 
de  Henares,  most  of  which  has  never  been  utilized.* 


*  I  intend,  at  no  distant  date,  to  write  a  history  of  the  Spanish 
Inquisition,  with  special  reference  to  ihejudaizantes,  or  Judaizers, 
for  which  there  is  abundant  material  in  the  state  archives  of  Alcala 
de  Henares,  Seville,  and  elsewhere. 


34  THE  INQUISITION. 

We  have  to  examine  merely  the  early  operations 
of  the  Inquisition,  and  to  call  attention  briefly  to 
the  victims  belonging  to  those  families  whose 
members  figure  prominently  in  later  chapters  of 
this  book. 

The  first  tribunal  was  established  at  Seville. 
The  first  inquisitors  entered  that  city  in  the 
beginning  of  January,  1481,  and  a  few  days  later 
the  first  victims  died  at  the  stake.  Several  of  the 
richest  and  most  respected  men  of  Seville  were 
soon  consigned  to  the  flames — Diego  de  Suson, 
who  possessed  a  fortune  of  ten  million  sueldos, 
and  who  had  some  repute  as  a  Talmudist,  Juan 
Abolafia,  who  had  been  for  several  years  farmer 
of  the  royal  customs,  Manuel  Sauli,  and  others. 
Several  thousand  persons,  mainly  rich  Marranos, 
perished  at  the  stake  in  Seville  and  Cadiz  in  1481. 
Even  the  bones  of  those  who  had  died  long  before 
were  exhumed  and  burned,  and  the  property  of 
their  heirs  was  ruthlessly  confiscated  by  the  state. 
Tribunals  were  soon  established  at  Cordova, 
Jaen,  and  Ciudad-Real.  The  bull  issued  by  Pope 
Sixtus  IV.,  October  17,  1483,  appointed  the  blood 
thirsty  Torquemada  inquisitor-general,  and  allowed 
Ferdinand  to  extend  the  Inquisition  to  the  heredi 
tary  lands  of  his  house — Aragon,  Catalonia,  and 
Valencia.  In  this  last  province  it  had  begun 
a  year  before,  at  the  king's  special  command,  to 


THE  INQUISITION.  35 

confiscate  the  property  of  the  Marranos.*  In  the 
cities  the  introduction  of  the  Holy  Office  met 
with  violent  opposition.  The  citizens  of  Teruel 
would  not  allow  the  inquisitors  to  perform  their 
noxious  work.  When  they  approached  Plasencia 
the  members  of  the  municipal  council  left  the 
city.  Barcelona  feared  that  the  new  tribunal 
would  be  injurious  to  trade.  The  Aragonese, 
jealous  of  their  old  chartered  rights,  observed 
with  profound  dismay  that  the  Inquisition  was 
making  their  country  dependent  on  Castile ; 
they  apprehended  that  this  institution  would 
cause  the  destruction  of  their  ancient  free 
dom. 

In  Aragon  an  arrangement  for  its  introduction 
was  made  with  the  cortes,  whose  consent  was 
necessary.  The  concurrence  of  that  body  was 
secured  through  the  direct  influence  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  both  of  whom  had  proceeded  to 
Saragossa  for  that  purpose.  But  scarcely  had  the 
two  inquisitors,  the  Canon  Pedro  Arbue"s  and  the 
Dominican  Caspar  Juglar,  begun  their  work  when 
they  met  with  strong  resistance.  The  opposition 
increased  after  the  first  auto-de-fe,  and  after  pro 
ceedings  had  been  begun  against  Leonardo  or 
Samuel  de  Eli,  one  of  the  richest  men  of  Saragossa. 

*  Pragmatica  de  12  Mai,  1482.  Libros  de  Credes  e  Ordinaciones 
(Arch.  Municipal  de  Barcelona). 


36  THE  INQUISITION. 

Hence  the  states-general  of  the  kingdom,  having 
been  summoned  by  Alfonso  de  la  Caballeria, 
resolved  to  send  a  deputation  to  the  king,  which, 
in  the  name  of  the  Marranos,  offered  him  and  the 
pope  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  on  condition 
that  the  work  of  persecution  and  confiscation 
should  be  abandoned.  But  Ferdinand  persisted 
in  his  determination,  and  the  Inquisition  continued 
its  work  with  redoubled  zeal. 

In  their  despair  the  Marranos  resorted  to  ex 
treme  measures.  They  determined  to  assassinate 
one  of  the  inquisitors.  A  plan  of  action  was 
formed  in  the  house  of  Luis  de  Santangel,  which 
still  stands  in  the  Mercado  of  Saragossa.  The 
conspirators  were  Sancho  de  Paternoy,  chief  treas 
urer  of  Aragon,  who  had  his  own  seat  in  the 
synagogue  of  Saragossa ;  Alfonso  de  la  Caballeria, 
vice-chancellor  of  Aragon  ;  Juan  Pedro  Sanchez, 
brother  of  Gabriel  and  Francisco  Sanchez  ;  Pedro 
de  Almazan,  Pedro  Monfort,  Juan  de  la  Abadia, 
Mateo  Ram,  Garcia  de  Moros,  Pedro  de  Vera,  and 
other  fellow-sufferers  of  Saragossa,  Calatayud,  and 
Barbastro.  The  plot  was  executed  at  the  ap 
pointed  time  ;  on  the  night  of  September  15,  1485, 
Pedro  Arbue"s  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  cathe 
dral  of  La  Seo,  in  Saragossa,  by  Juan  de  Esperan- 
deu  and  Vidal  Durango,  the  latter  a  Frenchman 
employed  as  a  tanner  by  Esperandeu.  Two  days 


THE  INQUISITION.  37 

later  Arbue"s  died.*  When  the  queen,  who  hap 
pened  at  that  time  to  be  in  Cordova,  heard  of  the 
murder  of  the  inquisitor,  she  ordered  that  strin 
gent  proceedings  should  be  instituted  without 
mercy  against  all  Marranos,  not  merely  in  Sara- 
gossa,  but  in  every  city  of  the  land,  and  that  their 
immense  possessions  should  be  confiscated  by  the 
state. f 

Terrible  punishment  was  inflicted  on  the  con 
spirators.  Juan  de  Esperandeu,  a  rich  tanner,  who 
owned  many  houses  in  the  Calle  del  Coso  (where 
the  old  Jewish  bath  for  women  still  exists),  was 
obliged  to  look  on  while  his  father,  the  tanner 
Salvador  de  Esperandeu,  was  burned  at  the  stake. 
Juan  himself,  after  his  hands  had  been  cut  off, 
was  dragged  to  the  market-place  on  June  30,  1486, 
together  with  Vidal  Durango,  and  quartered  and 
burned.  Juan  de  la  Abadia,  who  had  attempted 
suicide  in  prison,  was  drawn,  quartered,  and  con 
signed  to  the  flames.  Mateo  Ram's  hands  were 
chopped  off,  and  he,  too,  died  at  the  stake.  Three 
months  later  the  sisters  of  Juan  de  la  Abadia,  the 
knight  Pedro  Muftoz,  and  Pedro  Monfort,  vicar- 
general  of  the  archbishopric  of  Saragossa,  were 

*  Henry  C.  Lea,  The  Martyrdom  of  S.  Pedro  Arbues  {Papers 
of  the  American  Hist.  Assoc.,  vol.  iii.  New  York,  1889.]  The 
real  murderer  was  Vidal,  as  is  evident  from  a  manuscript  receipt 
preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  Cathedral  of  Saragossa. 

fPulgar,  Reyes  Catdlicos  [Saragossa,  1567],  fol.  184^. 


38  THE  INQUISITION. 

burned  as  adherents  of  Judaism.  Pedro's  brother 
Jaime  Monfort,  deputy-treasurer  of  Catalonia,  and 
his  wife  were  burned  in  effigy  in  Barcelona.*  The 
sentence  of  the  chief  treasurer,  Sancho  de  Pater- 
noy,  was  commuted  to  life  imprisonment,  at  the 
request  of  his  relative  Gabriel  Sanchez.  In  March 
and  August,  1487,  the  notary  Garcia  de  Moros, 
Juan  Ram,  son-in-law  of  Juan  Pedro  Sanchez, 
Juan  de  Santangel,  and  the  knight  Luis  de  Sant- 
angel  died  in  the  flames.  The  banker  Juan  Pedro 
Sanchez,  the  real  head  of  the  conspiracy,  who  had 
succeeded  in  escaping  to  Toulouse,  was  there  rec 
ognized  by  the  Aragonese  students  and  arrested, 
but  again  secured  his  freedom.  Gaspar  de  Santa 
Cruz,  who  had  fled  with  him  from  Spain,  died  in 
Toulouse.  Both  were  burned  in  effigy  in  Sara- 
gossa,  also  the  other  members  of  the  Sanchez 
family — the  merchant  Bernard  Sanchez,  Brianda 
his  wife,  and  Alfonso  Sanchez,  a  man  of  letters  ; 
likewise  the  merchant  Anton  Perez,  and  Garcia 
Lopez.  The  wife  of  Lopez  remained  in  Spain 
and  died  at  the  stake.f 

The  Inquisition  spread  terror  and  alarm  every- 

*  Coleccion  de  Doctimentos  ineditos  del  Arch.  General  de  la  Coro 
na  de  Aragon,  xxviii.  146. 

f  Libra  Verde  de  Aragon,  in  Biblioteca  Colombina,  fol.  78  sq. ; 
partly  printed  in  Revista  de  Espafia,  xviii.  547~57§;  and  in  Ama- 
dor  de  los  Rios,  Historia  de  los  Judfos,  Hi.  616  sq.  See  also  Revue 
dcs  Etudes  Juives,  xi.  84  sq. 


THE  INQUISITION.  39 

where.  Thousands  of  Marranos  suffered  martyr 
dom  for  their  religion.  The  more  dreadfully  they 
were  persecuted,  the  greater  became  their  love  for 
their  ancestral  faith.  Dalman  de  Tolosa  openly 
declared  that  he,  his  mother,  his  brothers  Gabriel 
and  Luis,  and  their  wives  had,  despite  all  hin 
drances,  observed  the  Jewish  law.  A  member  of 
this  family  lived  in  Naples  at  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  was  known  as  ihefamoso 
mercador  Catalan.  The  wealthy  Jacob  of  Casa- 
franca,  who  had  been  deputy-treasurer  of  Cata 
lonia,  and  whose  mother  died  as  a  Jewess  in  the 
prison  of  the  Inquisition,  frankly  confessed  that 
the  rabbi  of  Gerona  had  provided  him  with  meat 
and  all  that  he  needed  for  the  celebration  of  the 
Jewish  holidays,  and  that  in  his  house,  in  the  Placa 
de  Trinidad  of  Barcelona,  he  had  lived  in  accord 
ance  with  the  precepts  of  the  Jewish  religion  and 
had  read  the  law  of  Moses.  The  councillors  of 
the  Inquisition  declared  all  his  posterity  to  be 
Judaizers.* 

Among  those  who  were  led  to  the  great  auto- 
de-fe  at  Tarragona,  on  July  18,  1489,  clothed  in  the 
garb  of  penitents,  were  Andreas  Colom,  his  wife 

*  "  Jacobo  de  Casafranca,  loctinent  de  thesover  per  lo  Rey  nos- 
tre  Senyor  en  la  Principal  de  Catalunya,  habitador  de  la  Ciutat  de 
Barcelona,  de  linatge  de  Jueus,"  etc.  Coleccion  de  Documentos 
ineditos  .  .  .  de  Aragon,  xxviii.  171,  188  sq. 


4<D  THE  INQUISITION. 

Blancha,  and  his  mother-in-law  Francisca  Colom. 
They  all  confessed  that  they  had  observed  the 
rites,  ceremonies,  and  holidays  of  the  Jews.* 
What  must  have  been  the  feelings  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  or  Col6n,f  when  he  heard  that  mem 
bers  of  the  Jewish  race  bore  his  name,  and  had 
been  condemned  by  the  Inquisition? 

*  "  Nosaltres  Andreu  Colom  franci  Vilagut  .  .  .  tots  del  Archa- 
bisbat  de  Tarragona  de  nostra  libera  franquea  agradable  e  spon- 
tanea  voluntat  abjuram  renuntiam  apartam  e  eunyam  de  nosaltret 
tota  e  en  special  aquesta  de  que  som  intamats  e  testificats  la  qual 
nosaltres  havem  confessada  90  es  de  guardar  e  observar  les  cere 
monies  de  la  Ley  de  Moyses  e  fer  los  ritus  e  ceremonies  e  les 
solemnitats  dels  jueus  les  quals  en  special  quiscu  de  nosaltres  ha 
confessades  les  quals  mes  largament  son  contengendes  en  la  sen- 
tencia  que  contra  nosaltres  ses  donada  e  declarada."  Coleccion  de 
Documentos  in^ditos  .  .  .  de  Aragon,  xxviii.  37  sq. 

f  He  was  also  called  Colom.     Winsor,  Columbus,  157. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

COLUM BUS'S  FIRST  APPEARANCE  AT  THE  SPANISH  COURT— THE 
JUNTA  OF  CORDOVA  AND  THE  CONFERENCE  AT  SALAMANCA 
— ABRAHAM  ZACUTO — ISAAC  ABRAVANEL. 

THE  ambitious  plan  which  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella  energetically  strove  to  realize  was  to  estab 
lish  a  great  kingdom,  strengthened  by  political 
and  religious  unity.  They  desired,  above  all,  to 
bring  to  an  end  the  dominion  of  the  Moors  in 
Spain,  and  to  expel  the  Mohammedans  from  the 
Peninsula. 

When  Columbus  came  to  Spain,  the  war  with 
the  Moors  had  already  begun.  The  systematic 
confiscation  of  the  property  of  the  "  secret  "  Jews 
who  had  been  condemned  by  the  Inquisition 
brought  enormous  sums  of  money  into  the  state 
treasury,  and  furnished  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 
with  means  to  continue  the  war.  The  victorious 
Spanish  troops  had  already  pressed  forward  and 
captured  Zahara,  Ronda,  which  had  long  been 
called  "the  Jews'  town"  (de  los  Judios},  Setenil, 
and  several  other  fortified  cities. 

It  was  after  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  148$ 
that  the  king  and  queen  were  first  informed  of 


42       COLUMBUS  AT   THE   SPANISH  COURT. 

Columbus's  presence  in  Spain,  and  of  his  project. 
They  received  this  information  from  Luis  de  la 
Cerda,  the  brave  Duke  of  Medina-Celi.  Toward 
the  close  of  that  year  he  wrote  from  Rota  to  Isa 
bella  that  he  was  sheltering  in  his  palace  a  Genoese 
named  Cristobal  Col6n,  who  had  come  from  Port 
ugal,  and  who  asserted  that  he  could  undoubtedly 
find  a  new  ocean-route  to  India.  The  duke  also 
wrote  that  he  would  gladly  have  placed  the  re 
quired  ships  at  Columbus's  disposal  for  the  pro 
posed  voyage,  and  would  have  fitted  out  the 
expedition  at  his  own  expense,  if  it  were  not  con 
trary  to  the  law  of  the  land,  and  contrary  to  the 
will  of  the  queen.  The  duke  was  requested  to 
induce  the  foreign  projector  to  present  himself 
before  her.* 

With  letters  of  introduction  from  the  duke  to 
the  queen  and  to  Alonso  de  Quintanilla,  the  chief 
supervisor  of  the  finances  of.  Castile,  Columbus 
proceeded  to  Cordova  in  January,  1486,  and  here, 
in  May,  he  was  accorded  an  audience  with  the 
Spanish  rulers.  In  order  to  gain  the  favor  of  the 
pious  queen,  he  wrapped  himself  in  the  mantle  of 

*  The  letter  of  the  duke  to  the  queen,  and  her  answer,  as  well 
as  the  letter  which  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  ordered  Quintanilla  to 
write  to  the  duke,  are  no  longer  extant ;  they  are  known  to  us 
through  the  communication  sent  by  the  duke  to  Cardinal  Mendoza, 
March  19,  1493. 


COLUMBUS  AT   THE  SPANISH  COURT.       43 

religious  fanaticism.  He  asserted  that  his  under 
taking  was  mainly  in  the  interest  of  the  Church  ; 
that  he  desired  to  disseminate  Christianity  in  the 
newly  discovered  lands ;  and  that,  with  the  gold 
found  in  the  ancient  and  much-renowned  Ophir, 
the  Holy  Sepulchre  could  be  wrested  from  the  in 
fidels.  The  confiding  and  fanatic  Isabella  listened 
to  him  with  enthusiasm,  and  her  soul  was  filled 
with  joy  in  anticipation  of  making  converts  to 
Christianity.  The  king  was  actuated  by  wholly 
different  motives.  He  had  in  mind  the  acquisition 
of  territory  rather  than  the  dissemination  of  reli 
gion.  He  also  took  into  account  the  cost  of  the 
enterprise  and  the  dangers  of  failure,  as  well  as 
the  possible  advantages.  By  nature  distrustful, 
calculating,  and  suspicious,  he  was  very  reserved 
towards  Columbus,  who,  in  his  shabby  dress,  had 
given  the  king  the  impression  that  he  was  an 
adventurer.  Ferdinand  thought  that  he  must 
be  all  the  more  cautious  because  the  Genoese 
had  been  repelled  by  the  King  of  Portugal,  the 
ruler  of  a  state  renowned  above  all  for  its  mari 
time  discoveries.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  soon 
agreed  that  it  was  not  an  opportune  time  to  accept 
the  proposition  made  by  Columbus.  Like  the 
King  of  Portugal,  they  determined  to  refer  the 
plan  for  consideration  to  a  learned  commission. 
They  named  as  its  president  the  Prior  of  Prado, 


44  THE  JUNTA    OF  CORDOVA. 

the  noble  Hernando  de  Talavera,  who  as  confessor 
of  the  queen  enjoyed  her  full  confidence,  and  who, 
as  archbishop  of  Granada,  was  afterwards  so  out 
rageously  persecuted  by  the  Inquisition. 

This  commission,  which  consisted  of  cosmog- 
raphers  and  other  eminent  scholars,  held  several 
sittings,  and  to  it  Columbus  submitted  an  exact 
plan  of  his  enterprise,  which  he  explained  and 
interpreted.  But  either  he  failed  to  be  explicit  or 
the  commissioners  did  not  wish  to  understand  him, 
for  they  reached  the  same  conclusions  as  the  Junta 
of  Lisbon  three  years  before ;  namely,  that  Colum- 
bus's  assertions  could  not  possibly  be  true,  and 
that  there  were  no  unknown  lands  to  be  discov 
ered.  They  strongly  advised  the  king  and  queen 
not  to  venture  into  so  vague  an  enterprise,  for  it 
would  result  in  no  advantage,  but  only  in  a  loss 
of  money  and  prestige.*  Ferdinand,  who  in  the 
midst  of  war  could  not  find  time  carefully  to  ex 
amine  Columbus's  arguments,  managed  to  induce 
the  queen  to  put  off  the  navigator  with  friendly 
words.  Columbus  was  informed  that  while  the 
war  was  pending  such  an  important  matter  could 
not  be  settled,  but  that  it  should  be  considered  as 
soon  as  peace  was  established.f  This  amounted 
to  a  rejection  of  the  project.  Columbus  was 

*  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  29. 
f  Ibid.,  cap.  29  ;    Vida  del  Almirante,  cap.  u. 


THE   CONFERENCE   OF  SALAMANCA.          45 

obliged,  moreover,  to  endure  the  hatred  and  pun 
gent  derision  of  the  courtiers  and  of  all  those  who 
had  heard  of  his  plans.  They  all  regarded  him  as 
a  scheming  adventurer,  and  in  Cordova  they  de 
risively  called  him  "  The  man  with  the  cloak  full 
of  holes." 

The  unfavorable  answer  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella  was  a  crushing  blow  not  merely  to  Colum 
bus,  but  also  to  his  friends  and  patrons — to  Alonso 
de  Quintanilla,  who  had  compassionately  sheltered 
him  for  some  time  under  his  roof,  and  especially 
to  Diego  de  Deza,  a  learned  theologian  of  Jewish 
descent,  whom  Columbus  himself  reckons  among 
his  most  influential  patrons  and  supporters.  Diego 
de  Deza  had  a  good  reputation  and  was  much 
esteemed.  He  had  charge  of  the  education  of 
the  heir-apparent,  Prince  Don  Juan,  and  he  was 
Bishop  of  Salamanca,  as  well  as  professor  of  the 
ology  at  the  university  of  that  city,  at  that  time 
the  most  celebrated  seat  of  learning  in  the  whole 
world.  To  diminish  the  force  of  the  Junta's  ver 
dict  he  desired  to  refer  Columbus's  plan  of  dis 
covery  to  eminent  cosmographers  and  mathema 
ticians  for  further  examination.  This  he  actually 
did  without  delay.  He  caused  Columbus  to  come 
to  Salamanca,  and  summoned  to  a  conference  the 
most  distinguished  professors  of  the  university — 
mathematicians,  astrologers,  and  cosmographers. 


46  ABRAHAM  ZACUTO. 

At  its  sessions,  which  were  held  at  Valcuevo,  near 
Salamanca,  Columbus  presented  and  defended  his 
project.*  Among  others,  there  participated  in 
this  conference  the  astrologer  Fray  Antonio  de 
Marchena,  who  always  championed  Columbus's 
cause,  and  the  Jewish  astrologer  Abraham  Zacuto, 
who,  by  his  important  contributions  to  his  branch 
of  knowledge,  materially  promoted  Columbus's 
undertaking. 

Abraham  Zacuto,  or  Qacuto,  was  born  in  Sala 
manca  about  the  year  1440,  and  was  commonly 
called  Zacuto  of  Salamanca,  f  His  ancestors  came 
from  South  France,  and,  as  he  himself  informs  us 
in  his  celebrated  chronicle,^  they  remained  stead 
fastly  loyal  to  their  religion  in  spite  of  all  perse 
cutions.  He  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of 
mathematics,  and  especially  astronomy,  and  won 
the  favor  of  the  Bishop  of  Salamanca,  who  allowed 

*  "  El  Illmo  Sr.  D.  Fr.  Diego  de  Deza,  que  fue  obispo  de  esta 
ciudad  .  .  .  dio  parto  a  los  matematicos  de  esta  celebre  uni- 
versidad.  Hizoles  juntas  y  retrados  a  la  casa  de  estos  PP.  que 
tienen  dos  leguas  de  esta  ciudad,  llamado  Valcuevo."  Dorado, 
Historia  de  la  Ciudad  de  Salamanca  [Salamanca,  1776],  225. 

Columbus  was  at  Salamanca  "  a  comunicar  sus  razones  con  los 
maestros  de  Astrologia  y  Cosmografia  que  leian  estas  facultades  en  la 
Universidad."  Ant.  Remesal,  Historia  de  Chiapa,  lib.  2,  cap.  7. 
Concerning  the  Junta  of  Salamanca,  see  Tomas  Rodriguez 
Pinilla,  Colon  en  Espana,  Estud.  hist.  cHt.  [Madrid,  1884]. 

f  Jochasin  (ed.  Filipowski),  57a. 

J  Ibid.,  223*. 


ABRAHAM  ZACUTO.  47 

him  to  attend  the  university  of  that  city.  Here 
he  became  professor  of  astronomy,*  and  many 
Christian  and  Mohammedan  disciples  revered  him 
as  their  teacher.  His  chief  astronomical  work  was 
the  Almanack  Perpetuum  with  tables  of  the  sun, 
moon,  .and  stars,  which,  as  his  pupil  Augustin 
Ricci  informs  us,f  was  prepared  between  1473 
and  1478,  at  the  request  of  his  patron,  the  bishop, 
to  whom  it  was  dedicated.  It  was  translated  from 
Hebrew  into  Latin  and  Spanish  by  his  pupil  Joseph 
Vecinho,  or  Vizino,  and  was  printed  at  the  press  of 
Magister  Samuel  d'Ortas  in  Leiria.  Owing  to  its 
wide  circulation^  it  went  through  several  editions 
during  the  author's  lifetime. § 

*  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  dedication  to  the  Bishop 
of  Salamanca,  prefixed  to  the  Almanack:  "  Salmantini  collegu 
alumnu  me  quantucuque  adesse  voluisti,  docturum  videlicet  quad- 
ruuiales  facilitates."  Jachia  confuses  Saragossa  with  Salamanca 
when  he  asserts  (Schalsckelet,  50* )  that  Zacuto  was  also  professor 
at  Saragossa. 

f  "  Abraham  Zacuth,  quern  prasceptorem  in  Astronomia 
habuimus  in  ciuitate  Salamancha,  jussu  Episcopi  tabulas  astro- 
nomicascomposuit."  Ricci,  De  motu  octavia  sphara  [Paris,  1521], 
p.  4. 

\  On  page  222a  of  his  Jochasin,  writen  in  1505,  Zacuto 
rightly  says  :  "  My  Tables  are  used  in  all  Spain  and  also  in  the 
Orient." 

§  This  exceedingly  rare  book,  which  was  first  printed  at  Leiria 
in  1496,  is  entitled  Almanack  perpetuum  cuyas  Radix  est  annum 
1473  compositum  ab  excell.  magistro  in  astronomia  nomine  bocrat 
Zacutus.  As  far  as  I  am  aware,  Abraham  Zacuto  is  here 
for  the  first  time  called  Bocrat.  Was  the  Abraham  Bocrat  of 


48  ABRAHAM  ZACUTO. 

Columbus  fully  acknowledged  the  importance 
of  Zacuto's  contributions  to  science.  He  valued 
particularly  Zacuto's  Almanack  and  his  Tables, 
with  the  improved  quadrennial  reckoning,  the  use 
of  which  was  much  simpler  than  any  hitherto 
known,  including  even  the  Ephemerides  of  the  Ger 
man  astronomer  Johannes  Miiller,  commonly  called 
Regiomontanus.  Zacuto's  Tables  always  accom 
panied  Columbus  on  his  voyages,  and  rendered  him 

whom  Abraham  Gavison  sings  Abraham  Zacuto  ?  The  work  ends 
thus:  "  Expliciunt  table  tablarum  astro  rum  Raby  Abraham 
Zacuti  astronome  ser.  regis  emanuel  Rex  portugaliae  et  cet.  cum 
canonibus  traductis  a  lingua  ebrayca  in  latinum  per  magistrum 
Joseph  vizinum  discipulum  ejus  actoris."  Then  comes  the  title  : 
"Tabule  Tabularum  celestium  motuum  astronomi  Zacuti  necnon 
stelarum  fixarum  longitudinem  ac  latitudinem  ad  motus  vnitatem 
mira  diligentia  reducte  ac  in  principio  canones  ordinatissime 
incipiunt  felici  sidere."  Two  tables  follow.  The  next  fifteen 
pages  contain  the  Canones  en  Romance  with  the  final  words  :  "  Aqui 
se  acaba  la  recela  de  las  tablas  tresladadas  del  abrayco  en  latin  e 
de  latin  en  noestro  vulgar  romance  por  mestre  jusepe  vezino 
decipulo  del  actor  de  las  tablas." 

Columbus's  copy  of  the  work,  with  notes  and  glosses  in  his 
handwriting,  is  in  the  Colombina.  See  BibL  Colombina  con  notas 
bibl.  del  Dr.  D.  Sim6;i  de  la  Rosa  y  Upez  [Seville,  1888],  i.  3. 

The  Almanack  Perpetuum,  "Joseph  vecino  traductor,"  was 
published  in  Venice,  July  15,  1502,  4to.  The  Tables,  revised  by 
Alfonso  de  Corduba,  appeared  in  Venice  in  1496  and  1512,  4to, 
under  the  title  Tabula;  motuum  ccclestium  cum  additamentis 
Alphonsis  Hispani  de  Corduba.  There  is  a  MS.  Hebrew  translation 
of  the  Almanack  in  the  royal  library  at  Munich.  See  M.  Stein- 
schneider,  Cat.  Cod.  MSB.  Bibl.  Reg.  Monacensis  [Munich,  1875], 
p.  49- 


ABRAHAM  ZACUTO.  49 

inestimable  service.  To  them,  in  fact,  he  and 
his  crew  once  owed  their  lives.  On  his  last 
voyage  he  had  visited  the  coast  of  Veragua,  the 
name  of  which  is  still  perpetuated  in  the  title 
of  his  present  descendant,  the  Duke  of  Veragua. 
In  its  rich  mines  he  found  plenty  of  gold  and 
precious  stones.  After  leaving  Veragua  a  terrible 
hurricane  greatly  injured  his  only  two  surviving 
caravels,  rendering  them  unseaworthy.  After  he 
reached  Jamaica  he  was  in  a  desperate  plight. 
The  ungrateful  Francisco  de  Porras  had  stirred 
up  a  conspiracy  against  him  ;  Columbus  himself 
was  prostrated  by  illness  ;  the  natives  were  hostile 
to  him  and  threatened  his  life;  the  few  sailors 
who  remained  loyal  to  him  were  disheartened, 
and  exhausted  by  hunger.  The  admiral  and  his 
followers  anticipated  certain  death. 

Thereupon  he  resorted  to  an  expedient  which  is 
characteristic  of  him  and  of  his  time.  By  means  of 
Zacuto's  Tables  he  ascertained  that  there  would  be 
an  eclipse  of  the  moon  on  February  29,  1504.  He 
then  summoned  certain  caciques,  or  native  chiefs, 
and  told  them  that  the  God  of  the  Spaniards  was 
very  angry  with  them  because  they  did  not  give 
him  and  his  sailors  sufficient  food,  and  that  God 
would  punish  them  by  depriving  them  of  the  light 
of  the  moon,  and  by  mercilessly  subjecting  them 
to  the  most  pernicious  influences.  When  night 


50  ABRAHAM  ZACUTO. 

arrived,  and  the  moon  was  invisible,  the  caciques 
and  their  followers  raised  a  doleful  wail,  and, 
throwing  themselves  at  the  admiral's  feet,  they 
promised  to  provide  him  with  plenty  of  provisions, 
and  implored  him  to  avert  from  them  the  impend 
ing  evil.  Columbus  then  retired  on  the  pretence 
of  communing  with  the  Deity.  When  the  thick 
darkness  began  to  vanish,  and  the  moon  began 
to  appear,  he  again  came  forth,  and  announced  to 
the  expectant  caciques  that  their  contrition  had 
appeased  the  divine  wrath.  The  full  light  of  the 
moon  soon  beamed  forth,  and  Columbus's  object 
was  attained ;  he  encountered  no  more  hostility, 
and  obtained  an  abundance  of  food.  "  Thursday, 
February  29,  1504,"  says  Columbus,  "  as  I  was 
in  the  Indies,  on  the  Island  of  Jamaica,  in  the 
harbor  of  Sancta  Gloria,  situated  about  in  the 
middle  of  the  northern  side  of  the  island,  there 
was  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.  As  it  began  be 
fore  the  sun  went  down,  I  could  note  its  ter 
mination  only ;  the  full  light  of  the  moon  became 
visible  exactly  two  and  a  half  hours  after  night 
fall.  The  difference  in  time  between  the  Island 
of  Jamaica  in  the  Indies  and  the  Island  of  Calis 
in  Spain  is  seven  hours  and  fifteen  minutes,  so 
that  the  sun  sets  in  Calis  seven  hours  and  fifteen 
minutes  earlier  than  in  Jamaica."  Columbus  then 
refers  to  Zacuto's  Almanack,  the  statement  of 


ABRAHAM  ZACUTO.  51 

which  regarding  the  moon's  eclipse  exactly  agrees 
with  Columbus's  observation.* 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Zacuto,  who  made 
the  personal  acquaintance  of  Columbus  in  Sala 
manca,  called  the  latter's  attention  to  his  treatises,f 
and  that  he  also  orally  communicated  to  Columbus 
his  theory  concerning  storms  in  the  equinoctial 
regions — a  theory  which  was  of  value  to  navi 
gators.  Zacuto,  like  his  protector,  Diego  de  Deza, 
was  one  of  those  who  declared  in  favor  of  Colum 
bus  and  his  undertaking,  and  asserted  that  "  the 
distant  Indies,  separated  from  us  by  great  seas 
and  vast  tracts  of  land,  can  be  reached,  though 
the  enterprise  is  hazardous.";): 

The  conference  of  Salamanca,  in  which  Colum- 

*"Jueves  29  de  Febrero  de  1504  estando  yo  en  las  yndias 
en  la  ysla  de  Janahica  en  el  poerto  que  se  diz  de  Sancta  Gloria 
que  es  casi  en  el  medio  de  la  ysla,  de  la  parte  septentrional, 
obo  eclipsis  de  la  luna,  y  porque  el  comienco  fue  primeix>  que 
el  sol  se  pusiese  non  pude  notar  saluo  el  termino  de  quando  la 
luna  acabo  de  volver  en  su  claridad,  y  esto  fue  rnuy  certificado 
dos  oras  y  media  pasadas  de  la  noche.  Cinco  compolletas  rauy 
ciertas.  La  diferencia  del  medio  de  la  ysla  de  Janahica  en  las 
yndias  con  la  ysla  de  Calis  en  espafia  es  siete  oras  y  quinze 
minutos,  de  manera  que  en  Calis  se  puso  el  sol  primero  que  en 
Janahica  con  siete  oras  y  quinze  minutos  de  ora,  vide  Almanach." 
Libra  de  las  Pro  fed  as,  59  sq. 

f  See  above,  p.  14. 

\  Caspar  Correa,  Lendas  da  India,  in  Collec^Uo  de  Monumentos 
ineditos  para  a  historia  das  Conquistas  dos  Portuguezes  [Lisbon, 
1858],  i.  10. 


52  ISAAC  ABRAVANEL. 

bus's  resolute  demeanor  won  the  admiration  of 
many  and  the  sympathy  of  all,  determined  his  fate, 
though  its  action  was  not  of  an  official  character, 
like  that  of  the  Junta  of  Cordova.  The  represen 
tations  made  by  Diego  de  Deza  and  other  learned 
men  induced  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  take 
Columbus  into  their  service,  and  on  May  5,  1487, 
they  ordered  the  royal  treasurer  to  deliver  three 
thousand  maravedis  to  the  poor  Genoese.  Toward 
the  end  of  August  another  sum  of  four  thousand 
maravedis  was  assigned  to  him,  with  the  express 
command  to  proceed  to  Malaga,  which  had  been 
captured  by  the  Spanish  army  a  few  weeks  before. 
Here  he  became  acquainted  with  the  two  most 
distinguished  Jews  of  Spain,  who  were  then  at 
the  king's  court — the  chief  farmer  of  the  taxes, 
Abraham  Senior,  of  whom  we  have  already 
spoken,  and  his  friend  Isaac  Abravanel.  They 
had  undertaken  to  provision  the  royal  armies,  and 
by  making  great  sacrifices  they  had  done  this  to 
the  special  satisfaction  of  Queen  Isabella.  They 
were  of  extraordinary  service  to  the  kingdom,  for 
they  not  merely  devoted  their  own  enormous  for 
tunes  to  the  purchase  of  arms  and  provisions,  but 
they  also  induced  other  rich  Jews  to  follow  their 
example.* 

*  Amador  de   los   Rios,  Historia  de  los  Jucttos  de  Espana  y 
Portugal,  iii.  296  sq. 


ISAAC  ABRAVANEL. 


53 


Don  Isaac  Abravanel  belonged  to  an  old  and 
distinguished  family.  His  grandfather,  the  "great" 
Samuel  Abravanel,  the  richest  and  most  influen 
tial  Jew  in  Valencia,  temporarily  changed  his 
religion  in  consequence  of  the  great  persecution 
of  1391,  and  called  himself  Alfonso  Fernandez  de 
Vilanova,  after  the  name  of  one  of  his  estates.* 
Samuel's  son  Judah  Abravanel  settled  in  Lisbon, 
and  became  treasurer  of  Prince  Ferdinand,  who, 
before  his  campaign  against  the  Moors  of  Tangiers, 
made  provision  for  the  prompt  payment  of  more 
than  half  a  million  reis  which  he  had  borrowed 
from  Don  Judah.  Isaac  Abravanel  enjoyed  the 
complete  confidence  of  King  Aflonso  V.  of  Port 
ugal,  and  was  on  the  most  friendly  terms  with 
the  members  of  the  house  of  Braganza.  But 
after  Affonso's  death  he  was  obliged  to  resort  to 
flight,  as  he  was  a  friend  of  the  powerful  Duke  of 
Braganza,  whom  King  Joao  II.  had  condemned  to 
death.  He  went  to  Castile  and  soon  won  the 
favor  of  the  king  and  queen.f  It  is  possible  that 

*  "  E  hir  lo  gran  don  Samuel  Abravalla  se  bateja  ab  gran  sol- 
emnitat  en  lo  real  d'En  Gasto,  sots  padrinatge  del  marques,  e  ha 
nom  Alfonso  Fernandez  de  Vilanova,  per  un  loch,  que  ell  ha  en 
lo  marquesat,  apelat  Vilanova."  Carta  de  losjurados  de  Valencia, 
in  Amador  de  los  Rios,  Historia  de  los  Judfos,  ii.  603.  According 
to  Zacuto  (Jochasin,  224)  he  called  himself  Juan  de  Sevilla. 

f  Concerning  Isaac  Abravanel's  life  and  works,  see  Kayserling, 
Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Portugal,  72  sq. 


54 


ISA  AC  A  BRA  VA  NEL. 


Columbus,  during  his  residence  in  the  capital  of 
Portugal,  had  already  made  the  acquaintance  of 
this  honored  and  accomplished  man.  Isaac  Abra- 
vanel  was  one  of  the  first  to  render  financial 
assistance  to  Columbus's  undertaking. 


CHAPTER   V. 

COLUMBUS  IN  SANTA  FE — THE  FALL  OF  GRANADA — THE  POSI 
TION  OF  THE  SANTANGELS  ;  THEIR  PERSECUTION  BY  THE 
INQUISITION— Luis  DE  SANTANGEL'S  INTERPOSITION  IN  FAVOR 
OF  COLUMBUS — THE  QUEEN'S  JEWELS,  AND  SANTANGEL'S  LOAN 
FOR  THE  EQUIPMENT  OF  THE  EXPEDITION. 

WE  do  not  know  why  Columbus  was  called  to 
Malaga  or  how  long  he  stayed  there.  He  soon 
returned  to  Cordova,  where  he  became  intimate 
with  Beatrice  Enriquez,  a  poor  girl,  who  has  been 
erroneously  called  the  daughter  of  a  Jew.  He 
was  soon  neglected  again  by  the  king  and  queen, 
who  gradually  ceased  to  grant  him  subsidies.  He 
lived  in  the  greatest  poverty  with  his  mistress 
Beatrice,  by  whom  he  had  a  son.  Tired  of  pro 
longed  delays,  he  resumed  the  negotiations  with 
the  King  of  Portugal  which  had  been  discontinued 
several  years  before ;  but  these  new  overtures 
were  also  unsuccessful,  and  he  now  determined 
to  lay  his  project  before  the  King  of  France. 

He  first  proceeded  to  the  monastery  of  La 
Rabida  near  Palos,  either  to  see  his  son  Diego 
before  leaving  Spain,  or,  more  probably,  to  inform 
his  patron,  the  Prior  Juan  Perez  de  Marchena,  of 


56  COLUMBUS  IN  SANTA  F£ 

his  plans  and  to  bid  him  farewell.  At  the  gate 
of  this  monastery,  which  was  situated  on  an 
eminence,  he  had  knocked  as  a  poor  pilgrim  on 
his  arrival  in  Spain,  and  had  begged  for  bread  and 
water  for  his  little  son.  The  prior,  who  was  con 
siderably  interested  in  Columbus's  plans,  did  all 
in  his  power  to  prevent  the  proposed  departure 
from  Spain,  and  he  was  seconded  in  his  efforts  by 
Garcia  Fernandez,  the  physician  of  Palos.*  Mar- 
chena,  who  had  been  the  queen's  confessor,  and 
was  highly  esteemed  by  her  as  a  good  astrologer, 
wrote  an  urgent  letter  to  Isabella,  recommending 
the  Genoese  and  his  undertaking  in  the  warmest 
terms.  This  letter  was  carried  to  the  queen,  who 
was  then  at  Santa  Fe,  by  Sebastian  Rodriguez,  a 
mariner  of  Lepe.  The  neighboring  city  of  Gra 
nada  had  already  been  forced  to  capitulate.  In 
this  splendid  Moorish  town  a  revolt  had  just 
broken  out  among  the  Moslems,  but  they  had 
been  somewhat  pacified  by  Ferdinand's  promise 
that  all  Moors  and  Jews  should  enjoy  religious 
freedom,  and  that  they  might  depart  without 
hindrance.f 


*  Dr.  Calatraveno,  Hechos  medicos  relacionados  con  el  descubri- 
miento  de  America  [Madrid,  1892]. 

f  The  original  manuscript  of  the  capitulation  of  Granada  (in 
the  Escurial,  MS.  7  del  siglo  xv.)  has  the  following:  "Otrosi 
suplicamos  a  vuestras  Altezas  manden  dar  sus  cartas  de  seguro 


COLUMBUS  IN  SANTA  F£.  57 

After  deliberating  with  the  king,  Isabella  wrote 
at  once  to  the  prior  that  he  should  come  as  soon 
as  possible  to  the  royal  camp,  and  bring  with  him 
Columbus,  who  was  still  in  the  monastery,  await 
ing  an  answer.  She  also  sent  two  thousand  mara- 
vedis  in  order  that  the  navigator  might  appear 
before  their  majesties  decently  clothed.  In  com 
pany  with  the  prior  he  then  started  for  Santa  F<§, 
and  arrived  there,  in  the  midst  of  the  tumult  of 
war,  in  December,  1491,  shortly  before  the  crescent 
disappeared  from  the  western  tower  of  the  Alham- 
bra.  In  Santa  Fe  he  found  his  most  influential 
patron,  Pedro  Gonzales  de  Mendoza,  the  primate, 
or,  as  he  is  called  by  Peter  Martyr,*  "  the  third 
king  of  Spain,"  who  presided  over  a  meeting  of  dis 
tinguished  men  summoned  to  examine  the  project 
of  discovery.  Columbus  boldly  advocated  his 
scheme,  and  soon  convinced  the  primate  that  his 
assertions  were  true.  It  was  not  difficult  for  the 
latter  to  induce  the  queen  to  give  her  approval  to 
the  plan  of  exploration. 

After  a  seven  years'  conflict,  comparable  only 
with  the  Trojan  war,  Granada  fell  into  the  power 


para  los  Judios,  y  licencia  para  levar  lo  suyo,  e  que  si  sin  culpa 
de  alguno  por  no  haber  navio  alguno  quedaren  en  la  costa  que 
haya  termino  para  se  partir."  In  the  margin  are  the  words : 
"Que  se  haya." 

*  Pedro  Martyr,  Epistola,  lib.  8,  epist.  159. 


58  THE  FALL    OF  GRANADA. 

of  Spain.  On  Friday,  January  2,  1492,  the  Spanish 
standard  first  floated  from  the  highest  tower  of  the 
old  Moorish  palace,  and  the  two  sovereigns  cere 
moniously  entered  the  conquered  Moorish  capital. 
On  the  same  day  Ferdinand  announced  to  all  the 
cities  of  his  kingdom  that,  after  many  great  con 
flicts  which  had  cost  much  noble  blood,  it  had 
pleased  God  to  allow  the  Christian  armies  to  van 
quish  the  Moors.  Since  the  conquest  of  Granada 
papal  gratitude  has  permitted  the  ruler  of  Spain 
to  bear  the  title  His  Most  Catholic  Majesty. 

In  all  the  cities  of  Spain  the  fall  of  the  Moorish 
dominion  and  the  triumph  of  the  Christian  religion 
were  celebrated  with  songs  of  rejoicing.  The 
Jews  went  about  in  sorrow  and  with  bowed  heads, 
for  the  conquest  of  the  Moslem  also  decided  their 
fate,  in  spite  of  the  important  part  which  they  had 
played  in  securing  the  victory ;  from  the  palace  of 
the  Alhambra  the  Catholic  king  and  queen  soon 
issued  the  cruel  edict  of  their  expulsion.  At  the 
pompous  spectacle  of  the  entry  of  the  Christian 
armies  into  Granada  there  were  present  two  men 
of  extraordinary  importance,  two  wholly  dissimilar 
men,  with  whose  acts  Spain's  later  greatness  as 
well  as  her  downfall,  her  whole  distracted  destiny, 
was  closely  connected — a  proud  priest  and  a  morose 
beggar. 

The  priest  was  Cardinal  Ximenez  de  los  Cis- 


THE   SANTANGELS.  59 

neros,  the  very  learned  grand  inquisitor,  who 
wished  to  turn  all  Moors  and  Jews  into  Christians, 
and  who  persecuted  the  Marranos  with  the  utmost 
rigor.  The  beggar  was  Christopher  Columbus, 
with  whom  the  two  sovereigns  now  began  to  nego 
tiate  in  earnest.  Within  reach  of  the  object  of 
his  long-cherished  hopes  and  desires,  Columbus  was 
impelled  by  his  ambition  and  insatiable  avarice  to 
make  enormous  demands ;  he  wished  to  be  ap 
pointed  admiral,  viceroy,  and  governor  for  life 
over  all  lands  which  he  might  discover.  Ferdi 
nand  was  not  inclined  to  grant  such  demands 
or  to  concede  such  far-reaching  privileges.  Hence 
the  negotiations  with  Columbus  were  suspended, 
and  in  January,  1492,  he  left  Granada  with  the 
definite  purpose  of  going  to  the  French  court. 

Then,  when  his  cause  seemed  to  be  lost,  several 
persons  resolutely  interposed  in  his  favor  ;  they 
were  Juan  Cabrero,  Luis  de  Santangel,  Gabriel 
Sanchez,  and  Alfonso  de  la  Caballeria,  all  men 
of  Jewish  extraction.  When  Luis  de  Santangel 
heard  that  the  negotiations  with  Columbus  had 
been  definitely  broken  off,  he  felt  as  much  sorrow 
and  distress  as  if  he  himself  had  been  afflicted 
with  some  great  misfortune.* 

Let  us  pause  to  inquire  who  Luis  de  Santangel 

*  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  32. 


60  THE   SANTANGELS. 

was.  In  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  the 
family  of  Santangel  or  Sancto  Angelo  was  one  of 
the  richest,  most  influential,  and  most  powerful  in 
Aragon.  When,  in  consequence  of  great  perse 
cutions  and  of  the  Jew-baiting  sermons  of  Vicente 
Ferrer,  many  Jews  in  Calatayud,  Daroca,  Fraga, 
Barbastro,  and  other  cities  changed  their  reli 
gion  in  order  to  save  their  lives,  the  Santangels 
also  adopted  Christianity.  Like  the  Villanuevas, 
whose  ancestor  was  Moses  Patagon,*  and  the 
Clementes,  who  were  descended  from  Moses 
Chamorro,  the  Santangels  also  emanated  from 
Calatayud,  the  ancient  Calat-al-yehud,  which  in  the 
fourteenth  century  had  one  of  the  richest  Jewish 
communities  in  Aragon.  The  ancestor  of  the  Sant 
angels  is  said  to  have  been  the  learned  Azarias 
Ginillo,  whose  wife  could  not  be  induced  to  for 
sake  Judaism,  even  outwardly.  A  few  years  later, 
however,  she  married  Bonafos  de  la  Caballeria, 
and,  together  with  her  husband,  she  followed  the 
example  of  Azarias  and  became  a  Christian. 
Azarias  Ginillo,  or  Luis  de  Santangel,  as  he 
called  himself,  was  an  eminent  jurist.  He  had 
several  sons  and  daughters.  One  of  these,  together 

*  Also  called  Pazagon.  Members  of  this  family  also  resided 
in  Portugal.  Isaac  Pazagon  was  president  of  the  Jewish  com 
munity  in  Coimbra  about  the  year  1360.  See  Kayserling,  Ge- 
schichte  der  Juden  in  Portugal,  24. 


THE   SANTANGELS.  6 1 

with  her  lover,  a  certain  Marzilla,  was  murdered 
by  her  husband.  The  other  daughter  married 
Pedro  Gurrea,  a  secret  Jew,  and  their  son  Caspar 
wedded  Anna  de  la  Caballeria,  a  secret  Jewess.* 
Azarias's  sons,  Alfonso — who,  like  his  father, 
studied  law — Juan  Martin,  and  Pedro  Martin, 
lived  in  Daroca,  and  secured  protection  and 
privileges  from  King  Ferdinand  I.  of  Aragon.f 

Azarias-Luis  de  Santangel  was  not  only  learned, 
but  also  prosperous,  though  not  wealthy.  In  the 
year  1459  his  grandsons,  the  jurist  Luis  de  Sant 
angel,  junior,  and  Leonardo  de  Santangel  of  Cala- 
tayud,  petitioned  King  Juan  of  Aragon  to  allow 
them  to  dig  for  gold  and  silver  coins  and  other 
treasures  which  had  been  buried  by  their  parents 
and  grandparents.  They  proposed  to  dig  beneath 
the  houses  which,  as  orphans  of  tender  age,  they 
had  inherited  from  their  parents,  but  which  they 
had  afterwards  sold  to  the  Jew  Abraham  Patagon 
or  to  his  brother  Raymundo  Lopez.  The  property 
adjoined  the  estates  of  Fernando  Lupo  and  Luis 
Sanchez  in  the  Villanueva  quarter  of  Calatayud. 
Luis  de  Santangel  offered  to  give  to  the  state 
treasury  one-fifth  of  all  that  he  might  find.  The 
king  granted  their  petition  on  October  24,  1459,  on 
condition  that  they  should  undertake  the  excava- 

*  Revista  de  Espana,  xviii.  249  sq.  f  Appendix  i. 


62  THE   SANTANGELS. 

tions  at  their  own  expense,  and  with  the  consent 
of  Abraham  Patagon,  the  present  owner  of  the 
houses,  and  that  these  houses  should  be  restored 
to  the  condition  in  which  they  were  found.* 

In  consequence  of  their  keen  intellects,  their 
activity,  and  their  wealth,  the  Santangels  secured 
great  influence  and  high  positions  of  trust ;  they 
were  prominent  jurists  and  teachers  of  law,  and 
occupied  important  posts  in  the  cortes,  in  the 
municipalities,  in  the  administration  of  the  state, 
and  in  the  Church. 

Azarias-Luis  de  Santangel,  who  had  the  reputa 
tion  of  being  an  excellent  lawyer,  f  attained  the 
position  of  Zalmedina,  or  Zavalmedina,  a  name 
given  to  the  judge  in  ordinary  of  the  capital,  who 
was  appointed  by  the  king.J  To  escape  persecu 
tion  and  to  demonstrate  his  Christian  faith,  he 
devoted  his  son  Pedro  Martin  to  the  ministry, 
and  the  latter  became  Bishop  of  Mallorca  as  well 
as  adviser  of  King  Juan  II.  Pedro  Martin  left  a 
legacy  to  provide  for  the  marriage  of  poor  orphan 
girls  of  his  family,  and  by  the  terms  of  his  will 
the  trust  was  to  be  administered  by  the  city  of 


*  Appendix  ii. 

f  Zurita,  Analesde  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  vol.  iv.,  lib.  16,  cap.  25. 

\  Zalmedina  is  an  abbreviation  of  Zavalmedina,  which  is 
derived  from  an  Arabic  word  meaning  "lord,"  and  from  medina, 
"  city."  Coleccion  de  Doctimentos  ineditos  de  Aragon,  viii.  115. 


THE  SANTANGELS.  63 

Barbastro.*  Another  Martin  de  Santangel,  the 
bishop's  nephew,  became  provincial  of  Aragon, 
and  resided  in  Saragossa.  Another  Luis  de 
Santangel,  acting  as  ambassador  of  King  Alfonso 
V.  of  Aragon,  negotiated  with  the  Sultan  of 
Babylonia  concerning  a  commercial  treaty.  The 
most  far-reaching  influence  was  attained  by  those 
members  of  the  family  who  had  houses  and  prop 
erty  in  Daroca,  Barbastro,  Teruel,  Alcaniz,  and  in 
other  towns  of  Aragon  and  Valencia,  especially 
in  Calatayud,  Valencia,  and  Saragossa. 

The  lawyer  Luis  de  Santangel,  the  one  who  had 
sought  for  the  treasures  buried  by  his  parents  in 
Calatayud,  held  the  high  office  of  treasury  advo 
cate  (fisci  advocatus}.  The  names  of  Luis  de 
Santangel  and  Luis  de  la  Caballeria,  the  treasurer- 
general,  were  subscribed  to  a  patent  of  nobility 
and  grant  of  privileges  issued  on  December  4, 
1461,  in  Calatayud,  by  King  Juan  of  Aragon,  to 
his  "  well-beloved  "  soldier  Juan  Gilbert  and  his 
descendants. f  At  a  meeting  of  the  cortes  of 

*  "  Concordia  entre  la  ciudad  de  Barbastro  y  Pedro  Lunel  y  su 
Muger  D.  Maria  de  Santangel  sobre  el  legado  de  Pedro  de  Sant 
angel  para  casar  pupilas.  .  .  .  Es  patrona  de  este  legado  la 
ciudad  segun  la  clausula  que  se  incerta  en  el  testamento  del  dicho 
Pedro  de  Santangel.  Llama  descendientes  pobres  de  su  linaje  y 
el  legado  de  513  livres."  (1473.)  Archivo  de  Zaragoza. 

f  The  original  document,  which  was  formerly  in  the  archives 
of  Calatayud,  is  now  in  the  state  archives  at  Alcala  de  Henares. 


64  THE   SANTANGELS. 

Aragon  in  the  year  1473,  this  Luis  de  Santangel 
represented  the  knights  and  nobles,  while  in  the 
same  year  Antonio  de  Santangel  of  Calatayud 
represented  that  city.*  The  latter  interposed  on 
behalf  of  the  Jewish  community  of  Hijar  a  few 
days  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  Spain.f 
In  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century  the  Sant- 
angels  of  Valencia  and  Saragossa  were  the  Roth 
schilds  of  their  time.  At  the  head  of  the  Valencian 
house  was  the  merchant  Luis  de  Santangel  the 
elder.  In  the  year  1450  Luis  already  gained  the 
favor  of  King  Alfonso  V.  of  Aragon  ;  \  he  also 
had  uninterrupted  intercourse  with  King  Juan  II. 
He  was  farmer  of  the  de  la  Mata  salt-works  near 
Valencia,  for  which,  according  to  a  contract  of 
July  9,  1472,  he  had  to  pay  a  yearly  rent  of  21,100 
sueldos  to  the  Marrano  Juan  de  Ribasaltas ;  § 


*  Miguel  Mir,  Influencia  de  los  Aragoneses  en  el  descubri- 
miento  de  America  [Palma  de  Mallorca,  1892],  pp.  29  sq. ;  Ed- 
uardo  Ibarra  y  Rodriguez,  D.  Fernando  el  Catdlico  y  el  descubri- 
miento  de  America  [Madrid,  1892],  pp.  191  sq. 

f  "  Anton  de  Santangel,  habitante  en  Calatayud,  reclama  una 
cuenta  sobre  la  aljama  de  Judios  en  Hijar."  Borja,  Aug.  10, 
1492.  Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3650,  fol.  109. 

\  Documents  dated  Perpignan,  March  18  and  July  8,  1450. 
Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3253,  fol.  132,  and  Reg. 
3254,  fol.  58  sq. 

§  "  ...  valeamus  arrendare  et  titulo  arrendamenti  con- 
cedere  vobis  delecto  et  fideli  nostro  Ludouico  de  Santoangelo 
mercatori  ciuitatis  Valentie  natu  majori  salinas  vulgo  dictas  de 


THE  SANTANGELS.  65 

he  was  also  farmer  of  the  royal  domains  and 
customs.*  After  the  death  of  Luis  the  elder  in 
1476,  his  wife  Briandaf  assumed  the  management 
of  his  business,  and  his  son  Luis  de  Santangel  the 
younger,  who  was  a  royal  councillor  in  Valencia, 
became  farmer  of  the  royal  domains,;):  while  the 
farming  of  the  salt-works,  after  the  termination 
of  the  elder  Luis's  contract,  passed  to  his  relative 
and  partner  Jaime  de  Santangel.  §  Jaime's  coffers 

la  mata  per  set  anys,"  etc.  Document  dated  Ajatcro,  July  9,  1472. 
Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3641,  fol.  26.  Beatrice  de 
Ribasaltas,  wife  of  Juan  de  la  Caballeria,  was  subjected  to  public 
penance  on  July  17,  1491. 

*  "  Orden  al  mercador  de  Valencia  Luis  de  Santangel  mayor 
de  edad  para  que  de  lo  que  ha  de  dar  al  Rey  por  varon  del  ordena- 
miento  de  peage  y  otros  seruicios  pague  a  Jaime  de  Santangel 
criado  y  copero  del  Rey  1183  sueldos  y  seis  dineros  moned.  bar- 
eel."  Document  dated  Barcelona,  December  28,  1473.  Arch,  de 
la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3641,  fol.  35. 

"  Confirmacion  del  nombramiento  de  recepcion  en  las  rentas 
reales  de  Valencia  que  a  favor  de  Luis  de  Santangel  mercador  en 
dicha  ciudad  hizo  D.  Juan  en  Barcelona,  16  Agosto,  1475."  Bur 
gos,  September  9,  1475.  There  is  a  confirmation  dated  Caceres, 
May  26,  1478.  Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3519,  fol.  38, 
and  Reg.  3633,  fol.  91. 

f  "  Causam  vertentem  propter  Briandam  de  Sanctangel  viduam 
Ludouici  et  Jacobum  de  Sanctangel  eorumque  filios  tarn  ut  heredes 
patris  eorum."  Ibid.,  Reg.  3633,  fol.  9. 

jThe  contract  is  dated  Madrigal,  April  8,  1476.  Ibid.,  Reg. 
3633,  fol.  18.  See  also  Reg.  3547,  fol.  127  sq. :  "Luis  de  Sanct 
angel  consejero  ciudadano  de  Valencia." 

§  "  Concordia  entre  el  Rey  y  el  magninco  Jaime  de  Santangel 
escribano  de  racion  y  consejero  de  Su  Majestad  sobre  las  salinas 
5 


66    THE   SANTANGELS  AND    THE  INQUISITION. 

were  always  open  to  Juan  II.,  who  appointed 
him  royal  cup-bearer,  and  they  were  also  open  to 
Ferdinand,  his  son  and  successor.  Jaime  lent  the 
latter  large  sums  of  money  to  subdue  the  rebel 
lious  Catalonians,  to  recover  the  county  of  Rou- 
sillon  from  the  King  of  France,  to  whom  it  had 
been  pledged,  and  to  conquer  Granada.  *  When 
ever  Ferdinand  needed  money  he  appealed  to  his 
friends  the  Santangels  in  Valencia,  and  never  in 
vain. 

To  this  family  which  stood  in  such  high  repute 
in  all  Aragon,  Catalonia,  and  Valencia,  the  Inqui 
sition  proved  fatal.  As  we  have  already  seen,  the 
introduction  of  the  Holy  Office  was  opposed  by  the 
richest  and  most  distinguished  Marranos  of  Sara- 
gossa.  The  Santangels  were  among  those  who, 
at  heart  true  to  their  old  faith,  headed  the  con 
spiracy  against  the  Inquisitor  Pedro  d'Arbue"s. 
As  the  spot  where  Arbues  received  his  death-blow 

de  la  mata  de  Valencia."  Victoria,  December  29,  1484.  Arch.de 
la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3641,  fol.  2. 

*  "  El  Rey  conceso  a  su  copero  Jacobo  de  Sanctangelo  treze  mil 
sueldos  de  moneda  barcel.  en  pago  de  los  consilios  que  al  monarca 
habia  prestado  en  lagucrra  para  reclamar  a  la  obediev^ria  al  Prin 
cipal  de  Cataluna."  Barcelona,  October  30,  1473.  Ibid.,  Reg. 
3461,  fol.  44.  He  aided  the  king  with  the  same  sum  "en  la 
reduccion  de  Rossillon  que  adhuc  sub  obediencia  regis  detinetur." 
Ibid.,  Reg.  3519,  fol.  173.  For  the  loan  "in  hoc  bello  quod 
contra  Granatam  gerimus,"  see  the  document  dated  Cordova, 
September  I,  1485.  Ibid.,  Reg.  3641,  fol.  105. 


THE   SANTANGELS  AND    THE  INQUISITION.   67 

is  still  pointed  out  in  the  metropolitan  church  of 
La  Seo,  so  too  one  may  still  see  in  the  large 
and  beautiful  market-place,  or  Mercado,  of  Sara- 
gossa  the  stately  houses  which  in  the  flourishing 
days  of  the  Aragonese  capital  belonged  to  Luis 
and  Juan  de  Santangel.*  The  Santangels  were 
also  among  the  first  Jewish  heretics  to  mount  the 
funeral  pile.  The  first  victim  of  the  Inquisition 
in  Saragossa  was  Martin  de  Santangel,  who  was 
burned  July  28,  1486 ;  eleven  months  later,  August 
1 8,  1487,  Mosen  Luis  de  Santangel,  father-in-law 
of  the  treasurer  Gabriel  Sanchez,  met  the  same 
fate.  On  July  10,  1489,  the  mother  of  Gabriel 
Gongalo  de  Santangel,  and  six  years  later  Gabriel 
himself,  died  at  the  stake.  The  lawyer  Juan  de 
Santangel  and  his  brother  Luis,  who  both  resorted 
to  timely  flight  and  reached  Bordeaux  in  safety, 
were  burned  in  effigy,  the  one  on  March  17,  1487, 
the  other  on  June  i,  1492  ;  all  their  property,  real 
and  personal,  was  confiscated  by  the  state.  Juan 
was  exiled  forever  from  Spain,  and  his  three 
daughters,  Louisa,  Agnes  and  Laura,  who  had 
been  reared  in  affluence,  were  reduced  to  extreme 


*  In  the  year  1512  Juan  Sanchez  de  Romeral,  "  procurador 
sindico  de  los  Jurados  de  Zaragoza,"  grants  a  licence  for  the 
repair  of  the  fa$ade  of  a  house  adjoining  "con  casas  de  Micer 
Luis  de  Santangel,  y  con  casas  de  los  herederos  de  Juan  de 
Albacer  e  con  el  mercado."  Arch,  del  ayuntamiento  de  Zaragoza. 


68    THE   SANTANGELS  AND    THE  INQUISITION. 

poverty.  Even  the  hard-hearted  Ferdinand  was 
moved  at  this  spectacle;  as  a  special  token  of 
royal  grace  and  in  recognition  of  their  father's 
services,  he  granted  them,  on  January  19,  1488, 
a  yearly  pension  of  1,500  sueldos  out  of  the 
taxes  of  the  Jewish  community  in  Jaca.*  We 
do  not  know  whether  this  annuity  came  to  an 
end  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews  and  the  ces 
sation  of  their  taxes. 

Snares  were  constantly  laid  by  the  Holy  Office 
to  entrap  the  members  of  the  Santangel  family 
and  to  secure  their  property.  Jaime  Martin  was 
burned  on  March  20,  1488 ;  Donosa  de  Santangel 
six  months  later ;  Simon  de  Santangel  and  his 
wife  Clara  Lunel,  betrayed  by  their  own  son,  were 
burned  in  Lerida  on  July  30,  1490.  f  In  order  to 
have  a  quasi-legal  pretext  for  confiscating  their 
property  for  the  use  of  the  state,  Violante  de 
Santangel,  \  the  wife  of  Alfonso  Gomez  of  Huesca, 
and  Gabriel  de  Santangel  of  Barbastro  were  con 
demned,  and  their  remains  were  exhumed  and 
publicly  burned.  Gabriel's  estates  were  sold  by 
the  king  to  Miguel  Vivo,  Abbot  of  Aljoro,  for 

*  See  Appendix  iii. 

\  Revue  des  Etudes  Juives,  xi.  87. 

\  "  Violante  de  Santangel,  muger  de  Alfonso  Gomez  en  Huesca, 
condemnata  et  ejus  ossa  exhumata  et  igni  tradita,  sus  bienes  a  la 
Curia."  Granada,  September  2O,  1491.  Arch,  de  hi  Corona  de 
Aragon,  Reg.  3649,  fol.  1 8. 


LUIS  DE  SANTANGEL.  69 

18,000  sueldos.*  All  the  members  of  the  family 
who  escaped  with  their  lives  were  at  least  pilloried 
as  Jews  or  Jewish  heretics.  Thus  the  jurist  Pedro 
de  Santangel,  Juan  Thomas  and  Miguel  de  Sant 
angel, f  the  wife  of  Lopez-Patagon,  and  Lucretia 
de  Santangel,  all  had  to  go  in  public  procession 
clothed  as  penitents  and  solemnly  swear  never 
again  to  practise  Jewish  rites.  The  Inquisition 
carried  on,  in  fact,  a  veritable  war  of  destruction 
against  all  the  members  of  this  family ;  without 
regard  to  age,  sex,  or  position,  they  were  con 
signed  to  the  flames  or  obliged  to  do  public  pen 
ance,  and  that,  too,  even  as  late  as  the  sixteenth 
century.  J 

On  July  17,  1491,  Luis  de  Santangel  also  ap 
peared  in  a  variegated  sambenito  as  an  adherent 
of  Judaism.  He  stands  in  the  foreground  of  the 
event  of  that  time  which  figures  so  prominently 
in  the  world's  annals  ;  impartial  historians  must 

*  "  Gabriel  de  Santangel  de  Barbastro  condemnatus  et  ejus  ossa 
exhumata  et  igni  tradita,  sus  bienes  a  la  Curia,  y  despues  el  Rey 
los  venden  a  D.  Miguel  Viuo  abad  de  Aljoro  a  cambio  de  18,000 
sueldos."  Granada,  May  12,  1492.  Ibid.,  Reg.  3650,  fol.  44. 

f  Miguel  was  an  alderman  of  Saragossa. 

\  The  following  were  burned  :  Isabel  de  Santangel,  October 
4,  1495  ;  Fernando  de  Santangel  of  Barbastro,  October  19,  1496  ; 
Juana  de  Santangel,  wife  of  Pedro  de  Santa  Fe,  September  13, 
1499.  A  Luis  de  Santangel  of  Calatayud  did  public  penance  on 
June  10,  1493,  and  another  Luis  de  Santangel  on  October  19, 
1496.  See  El  Libra  Verde,  in  Revista  de  Espana,  vol.  xviii. 


70  LUIS  DE  SANTANGEL. 

unhesitatingly  assign  to  him  an  important  role  in 
the  discovery  of  America. 

He  was  the  son  of  the  rich  Luis  de  Santangel 
who  was  the  farmer  of  the  royal  taxes  and  cus 
toms  in  Valencia,  an  office  which  he  himself  sub 
sequently  held  ;  he  was  the  nephew  of  the  Luis 
de  Santangel  who  died  at  the  stake  in  Saragossa. 
King  Ferdinand  appointed  him  escribano  de  radon, 
chancellor  of  the  royal  household  in  Aragon.  He 
also  held  the  same  influential  position  of  contador 
mayor,  or  comptroller-general,  in  Aragon  wrhich 
was  occupied  by  Alonso  de  Quintanilla  in  Castile. 
He  was  a  favorite  of  King  Ferdinand,  enjoyed 
the  latter's  complete  confidence,  knew  all  his 
secrets,  and  transacted  all  kinds  of  business  for 
him.  The  king  held  him  in  high  esteem  for  his 
fidelity,  his  sagacity,  his  extraordinary  industry 
and  administrative  talent,  his  sterling  integrity 
and  his  complete  devotion  to  the  crown  ;  when 
ever  Ferdinand  wrote  to  him,  he  called  him  "  the 
good  Aragonese,  excellent,  well-beloved  council 
lor."  *  On  the  other  hand,  Luis  de  Santangel 
owed  his  royal  friend  not  only  his  eminent  posi 
tion  but  also  his  life ;  had  it  not  been  for  the 

*"  .  .  .  en  atencion  a  sus  merilos,  fides,  solertia,  industrin, 
sufncientia,  disposicione  et  animi  probitate."  Arch,  de  la  Corona 
dc  Ara°on,  Reg.  3616,  fol.  169  sq.,  208,  etc.  See  also  Victor 
Balaguer,  Cristdbal  CoMn  [Madrid,  1892],  p.  43. 


LUIS  DE   SANTANGEL.  ji 

king's  direct  intervention,  he  and  his  children 
would  have  shared  the  fate  of  his  uncle  and  that 
of  many  of  his  relatives. 

Luis  de  Santangel  was  the  Beaconsfield  of 
Spain.  Like  that  English  statesman — who  was 
of  Jewish  stock  and  whose  ancestors  were  also 
persecuted  by  the  Inquisition  and  driven  from 
Spain — Luis  was  characterised  at  once  by  par 
ticularism  and  universalism,  enthusiasm  and  saga 
city,  subjective  patriotism  and  objective  devotion 
to  other  nationalities.  He  was  a  good  Aragon- 
ese,  and  yet  he  worked  for  the  unity  of  Spain ; 
he  was  ardently  devoted  to  his  country,  and  he 
carefully  considered  the  advantages  which  it  would 
derive  from  maritime  discoveries.  As  the  head  of 
a  great  mercantile  house  in  Valencia  and  as  farmer 
of  the  royal  customs,  he  had  intercourse  with 
Genoese  merchants  long  before  Columbus  came 
to  Spain.  Already  in  1479  ^e  was  commissioned 
by  Ferdinand  to  settle  a  disputed  question  in 
which  some  Genoese  mariners  in  Valencia  were 
concerned;  the  dispute  was  regarding  certain 
customs-duties.  At  the  same  time  he  was 
also  ordered  to  pay  for  the  cloth  imported  from 
Lombardy  for  the  use  of  the  royal  household.* 

*  The  document  is  dated  Trugillo,  February  6,  1479.  Arch,  de 
la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3633,  fol.  90 ;  see  also  Reg.  3633, 
fol.  70. 


72      LUIS  DE   SANTANGEL  AND   COLUMBUS. 

Probably  Columbus  was  introduced  to  the  mer 
chant  of  Valencia  by  some  of  his  countrymen, 
and  may  have  early  made  Santangel's  acquaint 
ance. 

Luis  de  Santangel  became  the  leader  of  the 
Aragonese  who  at  the  last  moment  successfully 
interposed  on  behalf  of  Columbus.  He  was  ac 
tively  assisted  by  the  royal  chamberlain  Juan 
Cabrero,  the  son  of  Martin  Cabrero  and  Isabel 
de  Paternoy,  who  were  both  of  Jewish  lineage 
and  whose  kinsmen  were  victims  of  the  Inquisi 
tion.*  Juan  was  the  confidential  friend  and  con 
stant  companion  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic;  he 
fought  at  the  king's  side  in  the  Moorish  wars,  and 
was  his  faithful  adviser  in  all  affairs  of  state ;  he 
enjoyed  Ferdinand's  confidence  to  such  an  extent 
that  he  was  made  the  executor  of  the  king's  will. 

As  soon  as  Santangel  heard  of  Columbus's 
departure  and  the  termination  of  his  negotiations, 
he  went  to  the  queen,  if  not  at  Ferdinand's 
request,  at  least  with  his  consent,  and  earnestly 
expressed  his  surprise  that  so  magnanimous  a 
patron  of  great  enterprises  had  not  the  courage 
to  enter  on  an  undertaking  from  which  she  could 
reasonably  anticipate  enormous  wealth,  great  in 
crease  of  territory,  and  immortal  glory  both  for 

*  Juan  de  Paternoy's  remains  were  burned  as  those  of  a  Jewish 
heretic,  at  the  auto-de-fe  in  Saragossa  on  June  20,  1497. 


LUIS  DE   SANTANGEL  AND   COLUMBUS.      73 

the  crown  and  for  the  Church.  He  represented 
to  her  that  the  amount  of  money  demanded  for 
the  enterprise  was  comparatively  small,  and  that 
the  remuneration  which  the  explorer  demanded 
for  such  discoveries  as  he  might  make,  should  not 
occasion  much  hesitation.  Columbus  himself, 
Santangel  went  on  to  say,  undertook  to  bear  a 
part  of  the  expense,  and  ventured  his  honor,  nay 
even  his  life.  In  all  probability  the  Genoese  was 
a  wise  and  sagacious  man,  well  qualified  to  achieve 
success.  Many  eminent  scholars  to  whom  the 
queen  had  submitted  his  project  for  examination 
had  approved  of  it,  and  Columbus's  opponents 
could  advance  no  valid  arguments  against  his  con 
tentions.  If,  as  Columbus  predicted,  some  other 
European  power  should  have  the  good  fortune  to 
act  as  his  patron  and  to  reap  the  fruits  of  these 
discoveries,  the  kingdom  of  Spain,  its  rulers,  and 
the  whole  nation  would  suffer  much  shame  and 
detriment.  If  the  queen  did  not  seize  this  op 
portunity,  she  would  reproach  herself  all  her  life  ; 
her  enemies  would  deride  her,  and  her  descend 
ants  would  blame  her;  she  would  impair  her 
honor  and  the  renown  of  her  royal  name  ;  she 
would  injure  her  states  and  the  welfare  of  her 
subjects.* 

These  arguments  of  Santangel  produced  a  pro- 

*  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  32. 


74  THE   Q  UEEN '  S  JE  WEL  S. 

found  impression  upon  the  queen.  She  thanked 
him  for  his  advice,  and  promised  him  her  consent 
to  the  undertaking ;  but  she  desired  to  wait  awhile 
until  the  kingdom  recovered  its  strength,  for  its 
financial  resources  had  been  exhausted  by  the 
recent,  long-continued  \var.  It  is  said  that  she 
even  promised  to  pledge  her  jewels  to  secure 
money  for  the  equipment  of  the  armada,  if  Colum 
bus  could  not  brook  further  delay  in  the  execution 
of  his  enterprise.*  Santangel,  the  story  continues, 
was  much  delighted  at  the  queen's  resolve,  and 
declared  that  it  was  not  necessary  for  her  to  pledge 
her  jewels ;  he  would  be  pleased,  he  said,  to  ad 
vance  the  money  necessary  for  the  expedition, 
and  would  be  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  perform 
so  small  a  service  for  her  and  for  his  master  the 
king.f  This  story,  invented  to  glorify  Queen 
Isabella,  has  recently  been  relegated  to  the  realm 
of  fable.;}:  The  sale  of  crowns  and  jewels  by 
Spanish  rulers  was  not,  however,  a  rare  occurrence. 

*  "Mas  prestandole  Luis  de  Santangel  diez  y  seis  mil  Ducados 
sobre  sus  joyas."  Pizarro  y  Orellano,  Varones  ilusires  del  Nuevo 
Mundo  [Madrid,  1639],  p.  10.  This  assertion  is  accepted  by 
Frcscott  in  his  History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  by  Wash 
ington  Irving  in  his  excellent  Life  of  Columbus. 

\  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  32  ;  Munoz,  Historia 
del  Nuevo  Mundo,  vol.  ii.,  cap.  31. 

\  See  the  excellent  essay  of  the  learned  academician  Cesareo 
Fernandez  Duro,  Las  joyas  de  Isabel  la  Catdlica,  in  his  Tradi- 
ciones  infundadas  [Madrid,  1888]. 


THE   QUEEN'S  JEWELS.  75 

Dofla  Sancha,  wife  of  Ferdinand  I.  the  Great  of 
Castile,  sold  her  jewels  in  order  to  pay  the  soldiers 
for  their  services  in  the  war  against  the  Moors. 
When  Alfonso  X.  the  Wise  of  Castile,  desired  to 
put  down  the  rebellion  of  the  Infante  Don  Sancho, 
he  borrowed  a  large  sum  of  money  from  the 
Moor  Jacob  Abd-el-Hacer,  and  gave  him  the  crown 
jewels  as  security.  In  order  to  carry  on  the  siege 
of  Algeciras  in  1344,  Alfonso  XI.  was  compelled 
to  pawn  his  crown  ;  and  in  the  expedition  against 
Naples  Alfonso  V.  of  Aragon  pledged  his  crown 
and  his  table-plate  for  two  hundred  and  eightyi 
seven  ducats.* 

At  that  time  neither  Aragon  nor  Castile,  neither 
Ferdinand  nor  Isabella,  had  at  their  disposal 
enough  money  to  equip  a  fleet.  Santangel,  who 
was  always  ready  to  oblige  the  crown,  advanced 
seventeen  thousand  florins — nearly  five  million 
maravedis.f  The  queen's  jewels  were  not  de- 

*  P.  Fidel  Fita,  Boletin  de  la  real  Academia  de  la  Ilistoria, 
xii.  218. 

f  "  Y  porque  auia  necesidad  de  dineros  para  su  expedicion,  a 
causa  de  la  guerra,  los  presto  para  fazer  la  primera  armada  de  las 
Indias  y  su  descubrimiento  el  escribano  de  racion  luys  de  Sant 
Angel ; "  Gonjalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo,  Coronica  de  las  Indias 
[1547],  p.  5b.  "  Hallandose  los  Reyes  en  necesidad  de  dineros 
para  esta  empresa,  presto  les  diez  y  seys  mil  Ducados  Luys  de 
Sant  Angel,  su  escribano  de  raciones  ; "  Garibay,  Compendia 
historial  de  las  Chronicas  de  todos  los  Reynos  d'  Espana  [Antwerp, 
1571],  lib.  19,  cap.  i,  p.  1371.  "  Y  por  que  los  Reyes  no  tenian 


76  THE   Q  UEEN'S  JE  WEL  S. 

manded  as  security ;  all  of  them  were  not,  in 
fact,  in  her  possession  at  that  time,  for  she  had 
pledged  her  necklace  during  the  late  war.  Owing 
to  the  jealousy  which  still  exists  even  at  the  pres 
ent  day  between  Castile  and  Aragon,  Aragonese 
writers  *  have  recently  discussed  the  question 
whether  Luis  de  Santangel  lent  this  money  out 
of  his  own  pocket  or  whether  he  secured  it  in 
directly  from  the  state  treasury  through  Gabriel 
Sanchez,  the  treasurer-general  of  Aragon.  Apart 
from  the  fact  that  the  treasury  of  Aragon  as  well 
as  that  of  Castile  was  empty  in  consequence  of  the 
long  war  with  the  Moors, f  Santangel's  extraor 
dinary  services  in  this  matter  are  clearly  demon 
strated  by  the  excessive  praise  which  Ferdinand 
accorded  his  "  well-beloved  "  Luis  de  Santangel, 
and  by  the  many  proofs  of  gratitude  which  the 

dineros  para  despacher  a  Colon,  les  presto  Luys  de  Sant  Angel, 
su  escribano  de  racion,  seis  cuentos  de  maravedis,  que  son  en 
cuenta  mas  gruesa  16,000  ducados  ; "  Gomara,  Historia  de  las 
Indias,  cap.  15,  p.  167.  "  Y  para  el  gasto  de  la  Armada  presto 
Luis  de  Santangel  escribano  de  raciones  de  Aragon  diez  y  siete 
mil  florines ; "  Bart.  Leonarde  de  Argensola,  Anales,  lib.  I, 
cap.  10. 

*  Eduardo  Ibarra  y  Rodriguez,  D.  Fernando  el  Catdlico  y  el 
descubrimiento  de  America  [Madrid,  1892],  pp.  164  sq. 

t  Felipe  de  la  Caballeria  of  Saragossa  had  lent  9,022  sueldos  to 
Ferdinand's  father,  King  Juan  of  Aragon,  who  died  in  January, 
1479.  It  was  not  until  1493  that  Gabriel  Sanchez  was  ordered  by 
the  king  to  pay  this  debt.  Document  dated  Barcelona,  August 
30,  1493.  Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3616,  fol.  182. 


SANTANGEL'S  LOAN. 

1 1 

king  gave  him.*      Of  these  we  shall  have  more 
to  say  later. 

That  he  advanced  this  money  out  of  his  own 
pocket  is  proved  beyond  question  by  the  original 
account-books,  which  were  formerly  in  the  archives 
of  Simancas  and  which  are  still  preserved  in  the 
Archivo  de  Indias  in  Seville.  In  the  account-book 
of  Luis  de  Santangel  and  the  treasurer  Francisco 
Pinelo,  extending  from  1491  to  1493,  Santangel 
is  credited  with  an  item  of  1,140,000  maravedis 
which  he  gave  to  the  Bishop  of  Avila  f  for 
Columbus's  expedition.  In  another  account-book, 
that  of  Garcia  Martinez  and  Pedro  de  Monte- 
mayor,  there  is  the  following  item  :  Alonso  de  las 
Cabezas,  treasurer  of  war  in  the  bishopric  of  Bada- 
joz,  by  order  of  the  Archbishop  of  Granada,  dated 
May  $,  1492,  paid  to  Alonso  de  Angulo  for  Luis 
de  Santangel,  the  king's  escribano  de  ration,  whose 
authorization  was  presented  with  the  aforesaid 
order,  2,640,000  maravedis,  to  wit,  1,500,000  in 
payment  to  Isaac  Abravanel  of  money  which  he 
had  lent  their  majesties  in  the  Moorish  war,  and 
the  remaining  1,140,000  maravedis  in  payment  to 


*  See  Appendix  v.  and  vi.  ;  also  the  document  dated  Barce 
lona,  May  20,  1493,  in  Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3616, 
fol.  169  dorse. 

f  This  Bishop  of  Avila  afterwards  became  Archbishop  of 
Granada. 


78  SANTA  NOEL'S  LOAN. 

the  aforesaid  escribano  de  radon  of  money  which 
he  advanced  to  equip  the  caravels  ordered  by 
their  majesties  for  the  expedition  to  the  Indies 
and  to  pay  Christopher  Columbus,  the  admiral  of 
that  fleet.*  On  May  20,  1493,  on  which  day 
Ferdinand  was  particularly  occupied  with  Colum 
bus  and  his  expedition,  the  king  ordered  his 
treasurer-general  Gabriel  Sanchez  to  pay  30,000 
florins  in  gold  to  "  his  beloved  councillor  and 

*  "  Vos  fueron  recibidos  e  pagados  en  cuenta  un  cuento  e  ciento 
e  cuarenta  mil  maravedis  que  distes  por  nuestro  mandado  al 
Obispo  de  Avila,  que  agora  es  Arzobispo  de  Granada,  para  el  de- 
spacho  del  Almirante  D.  Cristobal  Colon." 

"  Dio  y  pago  mas  el  dicho  Alonso  de  las  Cabezas  (Tesorero  de  la 
Cruzada  en  el  obispado  de  Badajoz)  por  otro  libramiento  del  dicho 
Arzobispo  de  Granada,  fecho  5  de  mayo  de  92  anos  a  Luis  de 
Santangel,  escribano  de  racion  del  Rey  nuestro  Senor,  e  por  el  a 
Alonso  de  Angulo,  por  virtud  de  un  poder  que  del  dicho  escribano 
de  racion  mostro,  en  el  cual  estaba  inserto  dicho  libramiento, 
docientos  mil  maravedis,  en  cuenta  de  cuatrocientos  mil  que  en  el, 
en  Vasco  de  Quiroga,  le  libro  el  dicho  Arzobispo  por  el  dicho 
libramiento  de  dos  cuentos  seiscientos  cuarenta  mil  maravedis, 
que  hobo  de  haber  en  esta  manera  :  un  cuento  e  quinientos  mil 
maravedis  para  pagar  a  Don  Isag  Abrahan  por  otro  tanto  que 
presto  a  sus  Altezas  para  los  gastos  de  la  guerra,  e  el  un  cuento 
ciento  cuarenta  mil  maravedis  restantes  para  pagar  al  dicho 
escribano  de  racion  en  cuenta  de  otro  tanto  que  presto  para  la 
paga  de  las  carabelas  que  sus  Altezas  mandaron  ir  de  Armada  a  las 
Indias,  e  para  pagar  a  Cristobal  Colon  que  va  en  la  dicha  armada." 
Contradurias  generates,  epoc.  I,  num.  118,  in  Navarrete,  Colecdon 
de  los  ViagcS)  ii.  5  ;  Colecdon  de  Documentos  ineditos  del  Archivo 
de  Indias,  xix.  456.  The  above-mentioned  Don  Isag  Abrahan  is 
D.  Isaac  Abravanel.  The  original  manuscript  has  "  Abraa," 
which  Navarrete  read  "Abrahan." 


SANTANGEL' S  LOAN. 


79 


escribano  de  radon  Luis  de  Santangel."  *  This 
sum  certainly  included  the  remainder  of  the  loan. 
Recent  Spanish  writers  contend  that  Santangel 
received  17,000  maravedis  as  interest,  but  this 
assertion  is  wholly  untenable.  Luis  de  Santangel 
and  also  his  kinsman  Gabriel  Sanchez  f  were  the 
most  zealous  patrons  of  Columbus.  Both  acted 
unselfishly  and  solely  for  the  welfare  of  their 
country.  By  their  energetic  efforts  they  succeeded 
in  having  Columbus  recalled  to  the  royal  palace. 
At  length  his  long-cherished  plan  of  a  voyage  of 
discovery  became  a  realized  fact. 

*  Document  dated  Barcelona,  May  20,  1493.  Arch,  de  la 
Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3616,  fol.  169  dorse. 

f  Gabriel's  relatives,  like  all  who  bore  the  name  of  Santangel, 
were  persecuted  by  the  Inquisition.  His  father,  Pedro  Sanchez, 
was  burned  in  effigy  in  Saragossa  in  1493  "por  hereje  apostata 
juday9ante  ; "  and  his  brothers  and  sisters  died  at  the  stake  as 
Jewish  heretics. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

EXPULSION  OF  THE  JEWS  FROM  SPAIN — AGREEMENT  OF  SANTA 
FE— EXODUS  OF  THE  JEWS — COLUMBUS'S  PREPARATIONS  AND 
DEPARTURE — PARTICIPATION  OF  THE  JEWS  IN  THE  EXPEDI 
TION—  GUANAHANI— LUIS  DE  TORRES— INDIANS  AND  ISRAEL 
ITES. 

"  AFTER  the  Spanish  monarchs  had  expelled 
all  the  Jews  from  all  their  kingdoms  and  lands 
in  January,  in  that  same  month  they  commis 
sioned  me  to  undertake  the  voyage  to  India 
with  a  properly  equipped  fleet."  *  These  are  the 
words  with  which  Columbus  begins  his  journal. 
Without  a  word  of  disapprobation  he  thus  men 
tions  the  tragic  event  which  affected  the  welfare 
of  hundreds  of  thousands,  and  which  must  have 
produced  a  profound  impression  upon  the  natur 
ally  vivacious  explorer.  His  apathetic  words  are 
indicative  of  his  fanaticism.  This  trait  he  did 
not,  however,  import  from  Italy,  which  at  that  time 
was  a  preeminently  republican  and  commercial 

*  "  Asf  que  despues  de  haber  echado  fuera  todos  los  Judios  de 
todos  vuestros  reinos  y  seftonos,  en  el  mismo  mes  de  Enero  man- 
daron  vuestras  Altezas  a  mi  que  con  armada  suficiente  me  fuese  a 
las  dichas  partidas  de  India."  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los  Viagcs, 
i.  2  ;  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  26,  i.  262. 


EXPULSION  OF   THE  JEWS.  8 1 

country.  A  very  different  spirit  was  displayed  by 
his  countryman  Agostino  Giustiniani,  the  learned 
Bishop  of  Nebbio,  who  speaks  of  the  Jews  expelled 
from  Spain  with  heartfelt  sympathy.*  He  was  the 
first  to  write  a  short  biographical  sketch  of  the 
explorer  ;  this  sketch,  which  lauds  Columbus,  is 
given  incidentally  in  the  bishop's  polyglot  psalter, 
in  the  commentaries  on  the  nineteenth  Psalm. 
Columbus's  religious  enthusiasm  soon  degenerated 
into  fanaticism  in  consequence  of  his  contact  with 
ecclesiastics — his  truest  and  most  useful  friends — 
and  in  consequence  of  his  intimate  intercourse 
with  men  like  the  Bachelor  Andres  Bernaldez  f 
and  Pedro  Martyr  d'Angleria,  who  boasts  of  the 
special  friendship  of  Columbus.  This  fanaticism 
was  also  nourished  by  sordid  avarice  and  the  de 
sire  to  promote  his  own  material  interests.  In 
order  to  appear  particularly  pious,  he  even  wore 
the  dark-brown  cowl  of  the  Franciscans. 

The  expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  Spain  is  closely 
connected  with  Columbus's  expedition  and  with 
the  discovery  of  America,  not  merely  externally 
in  point  of  time  but  also  intrinsically.  Not  in 
January,  as  Columbus  asserts  in  his  journal,  but 

*  Annali  delta  Rcpubblica  di  Geneva  illustrati  con  note  dal 
Cav.  G.  B.  Spotorno,  ii.  566. 

f  Bernaldez,  the  fanatical  author  of  the  History  of  the  Catholic 
Kings  was  parson  of  the  little  town  of  Los  Palacios.     Columbus 
was  his  guest  for  a  time. 
6 


82  EXPULSION   OF   THE  JEWS. 

on  March  31,  1492,  the  Catholic  monarchs  sent 
forth  from  the  palace  of  the  Alhambra  the  edict 
that  all  Jews  and  Jewesses  of  every  age  should,  on 
pain  of  death,  leave  all  the  kingdoms  and  lands  of 
Spain  within  four  months.  The  edict,  which  was 
signed  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  is  of  a  wholly 
religious  character,  especially  as  regards  the  chief 
reason  given  for  the  act.  The  reason  given  is 
that,  in  spite  of  the  incessant  and  most  energetic 
efforts  of  the  Inquisition,  the  Marranos  were  be 
guiled  by  those  who  adhered  to  Judaism  to  return 
to  their  old  faith,  and  that  this  greatly  imperilled 
the  Catholic  religion.*  The  Jews  were  generously 
allowed  to  take  their  property  with  them  "  by  land 
and  water,"  excepting  gold,  silver,  coined  money, 
and  merchandise  subject  to  the  laws  prohibiting 
exportation  ;  they  could  thus  take  with  them  only 
such  articles  as  could  be  freely  exported. f 

The  king  and  queen  acted  in  full  accord,  but 
Ferdinand  played  the  chief  role  in  the  barbarous 
expulsion  of  the  Jews.  Hence  the  edict  was  not 

*  The  edict  of  expulsion  is  printed  in  full  by  Amador  de  los 
Rios,  Historia  de  los  Judios,  iii.  603  sq. 

f  The  following  words  are  at  the  close  of  the  edict : — "  E  assi 
mismos  damos  Ii$en9ia  e  facultad  a  los  dichos  judios  e  judias  que 
puedan  sacar  fuera  de  todos  los  dichos  nuestros  reynos  e  senorios 
sus  bienes  e  facicndas  por  mar  e  por  tierra,  en  tanto  que  non  seya 
oro,  nin  plata,  nin  moneda  amonedada,  nin  las  otras  cosas vedadas 
por  las  leyes  de  nuestros  reynos,  salvo  mercaderias  que  non  seyan 
cosas  vedadas  6  encobiertas." 


EXPULSION  OF   THE  JEWS.  83 

signed  by  the  Castilian  secretary  of  state,  Caspar 
Gricio,  but  by  the  secretary  of  state  of  Aragon, 
Juan  de  Coloma,  an  old  confidant  of  the  king. 
Recent  Spanish  historians  readily  admit  that  Fer 
dinand  was  led  to  adopt  this  measure  more  by 
economic  and  political  reasons,  more  by  the  desire 
to  promote  his  own  material  interests,  than  by  the 
religious  zeal  which  actuated  Isabella.*  The  king 
needed  plenty  of  money  to  carry  out  his  plan  of 
bringing  new  territory  under  his  dominion.  He 
took  it  from  the  Jews,  who  were  wealthy,  espe 
cially  in  Castile  ;  some  of  them  were  worth  as  much 
as  one  or  two  million  maravedis  or  more.f  The 
Inquisition,  which  he  had  called  into  existence, 
and  the  expulsion  of  the  Jews,  which  he  had 
decreed,  had  one  and  the  same  object :  the  former 
aimed  to  secure  the  property  of  the  secret  Jews 
for  the  state  treasury,  the  latter,  under  the  cloak 
of  religion,  aimed  to  confiscate  the  property  of 
those  who  openly  professed  to  be  Jews. 

The  Jews  knew  the  avaricious  Ferdinand  and 
his  secret  plans.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Marranos 

*  "La  expulsion  de  los  Judi'os  obedecio  menos  a  causas  reli- 
giosas  quea  economicasy  politicas,"  says  Abdon  de  Paz  in  Revista 
de  Espana,  vol.  109,  p.  377.  See  also  Adolfo  de  Castro,  Historia 
de  los  Judtos  en  Espana,  136,  and  Bofarull  y  Broca,  Historia 
critica  de  Cataluna  [Barcelona,  1877],  pp.  377  sq. 

f  Andres  Bernaldez,  Historia  de  los  Reyes  Catdlicos  [Seville, 
1870],  i.  341. 


84  EXPULSION  OF    TJ IE  JEWS. 

when  the  Inquisition  was  introduced,  so  now 
those  over  whose  heads  the  Damoclesian  sword 
of  expulsion  was  hanging,  made  an  attempt  to 
purchase  the  king's  consent  to  the  withdrawal 
of  the  edict.  Don  Isaac  Abravanel — whose  self- 
sacrificing  services  on  behalf  of  the  state  were 
acknowledged  and  to  whom  the  king  and  queen 
still  owed  a  large  sum  of  money,  borrowed  during 
the  war  with  the  Moors  *  — offered  Ferdinand 
30,000  ducats  if  he  would  avert  the  evil  that 
threatened  the  Jews.  Whether  Luis  de  Sant- 
angel — then  in  friendly  intercourse  with  Abra 
vanel —  or  Juan  Cabrero,  or  other  Marranos 
interceded  with  the  king,  is  very  doubtful.  They 
were,  on  the  one  hand,  more  or  less  concerned 
in  the  matter,  and  feared  to  lose  their  lives  if 
they  interfered  ;  on  the  other  hand,  they  knew 
the  king's  obstinacy  and  avarice  only  too  well. 
In  fact,  nothing  could  induce  him  to  be  merciful 
enough  to  recall  the  edict.  On  April  30,  1492, 
trumpets  were  sounded  and  the  alcaldes  publicly 
announced  in  Santa  F£  and  everywhere  through 
out  the  kingdom  at  one  and  the  same  time  that 
by  the  end  of  July  all  Jews  and  Jewesses  with 
their  possessions  should  leave  Spain,  on  pain  of 
death  and  confiscation  of  their  property  by  the 

*  See  above,  pages  77,  78. 


EXPULSION  OF   THE  JEWS.  85 

state.*  After  that  date  no  Spaniard  was  to 
harbor  a  Jew  in  his  house  or  render  him  any 
assistance. 

On  April  3Oth,  the  very  day  on  which  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jews  was  everywhere  publicly 
announced, f  Columbus  was  ordered  to  equip  a 
fleet  for  his  voyage  to  the  Indies,  and  at  the  same 
time  he  received  the  contract  which  on  April  i/th 
had  been  arranged  in  Santa  Fe  between  him  and 
Juan  de  Coloma,  the  latter  acting  on  behalf  of 
the  Spanish  sovereigns.^:  Ferdinand,  who  had 
long  energetically  opposed  the  expedition,  was 


*  "  En  ultimo  de  Abril  se  pregono  con  tres  trompetas,  Rey  de 
Armas,  dos  Alcaldes,  dos  Alguacilles  en  el  real  de  S.  Fe  sobre 
Granada  .  .  .  asi  mesmo  de  los  reinos  del  Rey  e  de  la  Reyna, 
nuestros  Senores,  desde  este  dia  fasta  en  fin  del  mes  de  Julio  proxi 
mo  inclusive,  todos  los  Judios  y  Judias  con  sus  personas  e  bienes 
sopena  de  muerte  y  de  confiscacion  para  el  fisco  e  camara  de  sus 
Altezas.  E  este  mesmo  dia  se  habia  de  pregonar  en  todos  los 
reinos  y  senorios  de  los  dichos  Reyes,  nuestros  Sefiores."  Cronicon 
de  Valladolid,  in  Documentos  ineditos  para  la  historic,  de  Espana, 
xiii.  192.  Zacuto  is  in  complete  accord  with  this  statement.  In 
his  Jochasin,  p.  277,  he  says:  "At  the  end  of  April  trumpets 
were  sounded  in  all  the  provinces  and  it  was  publicly  announced 
that  all  Jews  were  to  leave  the  kingdom  within  three  months. "-x 

f  Columbus's  erroneous  statement  (see  above,  page  81)  appears 
to  be  due  to  a  slip  of  the  pen  ;  instead  of  "January"  we  must 
read  "April."  He  confused  the  proclamation  made  at  the  end 
of  April  with  the  expulsion  itself. 

JThis  agreement  is  printed  by  Las  Casas,  Historia  de  las 
Indias,  cap.  33  ;  Documentos  ineditos  .  .  .  de  Am^ricat  xxix. 
422  sq. 


86  AGREEMENT  OF  SANTA   FE. 

obliged  to  yield,  thanks  to  Columbus's  persistency, 
and  was  obliged  to  accept  the  explorer's  excessive 
demands,  which  had  twice  caused  the  negotiations 
to  be  discontinued.  He  granted  him  the  title  of 
admiral,  with  all  its  privileges,  and  made  him 
viceroy  and  governor-general  of  all  lands  which 
he  might  discover  or  acquire.  Columbus  was  not 
content  with  dignities  and  honors  for  himself  and 
his  descendants.  He  desired  also  to  derive  con 
siderable  material  profit  from  his  voyages.  The 
chief  aim  of  his  explorations  was,  in  fact,  to  find 
gold,  and  in  a  letter  to  the  queen  he  frankly  de 
clared  that  this  gold  might  even  be  the  means  of 
purifying  the  souls  of  men  and  of  securing  their 
entrance  into  Paradise.  Thus  he  stipulated  that 
he  was  to  have  a  tenth  of  all  pearls,  precious  stones, 
gold,  silver,  spices,  and  other  wares, — in  short,  a 
tenth  of  everything  found,  bought,  bartered,  or 
otherwise  obtained  in  the  newly  discovered  lands ; 
he  was  also  to  have  an  additional  eighth  of  the 
profits  of  the  present  enterprise  and  of  all  similar 
ventures  undertaken  in  the  future,  provided  he 
should  contribute  an  eighth  of  the  expense. 

Columbus  now  made  preparations  for  his  voy 
age.  He  went  from  Granada  directly  to  the  little 
port  of  Palos,  which  for  some  delinquency  had 
been  ordered  by  Ferdinand  and  his  consort  to 
equip  two  caravels  within  ten  days.  There  he 


EXODUS  OF   THE  JEWS.  8/ 

soon  enlisted  in  behalf  of  his  enterprise  the  services 
of  the  rich  brothers  Pinzon,  who  enjoyed  a  very 
high  reputation  among  navigators.  In  Palos  he 
also  secured  his  sailors  and  travelling  companions. 

The  Jews,  under  the  ban  of  expulsion,  made 
preparations  to  leave  the  beautiful  land  which  for 
centuries  had  been  the  cherished  home  of  their 
ancestors,  and  to  which  they  were  passionately 
attached.  They  arranged  their  public  and  private 
affairs,  tried  to  sell  their  real  and  personal  prop 
erty,  and  to  secure  the  payment  of  their  out 
standing  debts  ;  but  only  in  a  very  few  cases  did 
they  succeed  in  disposing  of  their  property  or  in 
obtaining  money  from  their  debtors.  As  the  day 
of  departure  approached,  their  sorrows  increased. 
They  spent  whole  nights  on  the  graves  of  their 
ancestors,  and  they  were  particularly  anxious  that 
the  cemeteries,  which  held  the  dearest  of  all  their 
abandoned  possessions,  should  be  protected  from 
desecration. 

On  August  2,  1492,  which  fell  on  the  day  of 
mourning  for  the  two-fold  destruction  of  Jerusa 
lem,  300,000  Jews  (according  to  some  writers  the 
number  was  much  larger)  *  left  Spain  to  settle  in 

*  A  rabbi,  whose  sagacity  is  extolled,  "  que  llamaban  Zentolla 
y  al  cual  yo  puso  nombre  Tristan  Bogado,"  informed  Bernaldez 
that  there  were  more  than  1,160,000  Jews  in  Spain  at  the  time  of 
their  expulsion.  Andres  Bernaldez,  Hisloria  dc  los  Reyes  CatMicos, 
i-  333. 


88  EXODUS  OF   THE  JEWS. 

Africa,  Turkey,  Portugal,  Italy,  and  France.  On 
that  ever  memorable  clay  they  sailed  from  the 
harbors  of  Cartagena,  Valencia,  Cadiz,  Laredo, 
Barcelona,  and  Tarragona.* 

*  "  En  2  de  Agosto  llegaron  a  la  presente  playa  de  Barcelona 
nueve  fustas  de  gavia,  entre  ellas  una  nave  del  Tesoro  y  galera 
de  Francia,  y  otros  balleneros,  y  caravelas,  en  las  que  habi'a 
reunidas  mas  de  cuatro  mil  almas  de  judios  los  cuales  se  habian 
embarcado  en  Tarragona."  Bofarull  y  Broca,  Historia  de  Cata- 
iuna,  376. 

"  Look,  they  move  !     No  comrades  near  but  curses  ; 
Tears  gleam  in  beards  of  men  sore  with  reverses  ; 
Flowers  from  fields  abandoned,  loving  nurses, 
Fondly  deck  the  women's  raven  hair. 

Faded,  scentless  flowers  that  shall  remind  them 
Of  their  precious  homes  and  graves  behind  them  ; 
Old  men,  clasping  Torah-scrolls,  unbind  them, 
Lift  the  parchment  flags,  and  silent  lead. 

'  Mock  not  with  thy  light,  O  sun,  our  morrow, 
Cease  not,  cease  not.  O  ye  songs  of  sorrow  ! 
From  what  land  a  refuge  can  we  borrow, 
Weary,  thrust-out,  God-forsaken  we  ? 

*  Where,  oh  !  where  is  rest  for  thy  long-hated, 
Hunted  folk,  whose  fate  in  death  unsated  ? 
Oh  !  where  is  God  ?  '     So  swelled  the  wail  unbated, 
From  the  mountains  down  unto  the  sea. 

Could  ye,  suffring  souls,  peer  through  the  Future, 
From  despair  ye  would  awake  to  rapture  : 
Lo  !     The  Genoese  boldly  steers  to  capture 

Freedom's  realm  beyond  an  unsailcd  sea  !  " 

Thus  wrote  the  German  poet  Ludwig  August  Frankl  in  his 
Christ.  Colombo  [Stuttgart,  1836].  He  was  the  first  Jew  who  sang 


JEWS  IN  COLUMBUS' S  FLEET.  89 

On  August  2<d  the  Spanish  Jews  began  their 
wanderings,  and  the  next  day,  Friday,  August  3d, 
Columbus  with  his  fleet  of  three  ships,  the  Santa 
Maria,  Pinta,  and  Nina,  sailed  to  seek  an  ocean- 
route  to  India,  and  to  discover  a  new  world.  He 
was  accompanied  on  his  first  voyage  by  not  more 
than  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  (according  to 
some  writers,  by  only  ninety),  almost  all  Castilians 
and  Aragonese ;  many  of  them  were  from  Palos, 
and  some  from  Guadalajara,  Avila,  Segovia,  Ca- 
ceres,  Castrojeriz,  Ledesma,  Villar,  and  Talavera — 
all  cities  in  which  before  the  expulsion  large  or 
small  Jewish  communities  existed. 

Were  there  any  persons  of  Jewish  extraction  on 
the  armada  which  under  Columbus's  guidance 
steered  its  course  toward  a  new  world  ?  It  was 
not  easy  for  him  to  find  men  willing  to  accompany 
him  on  his  adventurous  voyage ;  even  persons 
guilty  of  crime  were  released  from  prison  on 
condition  that  they  should  enroll  themselves 
among  the  recruits.  What  was  to  prevent  Jews 

of  Columbus's  heroic  voyage.  His  epic  is  dedicated  to  King 
Carlo  Alberto  as  Duke  of  Genoa.  [The  translator  of  this  volume 
acknowledges  his  obligations  to  Mrs.  Minnie  D.  Louis  for  the 
English  version  of  the  extract  given  above.] 

Another  Jew,  Baron  Albert  Franchetti,  nephew  of  Albert  de 
Rothschild  of  Vienna,  has  composed  an  opera  entitled  Cristoforo 
(Colombo,  Opera  in  ire  atti ;  the  libretto  was  written  by  V.  Pen9o, 
a  Jew  of  Spanish  origin  [Genoa,  1883]. 


90  JEWS  IN  COLUM BUS'S  FLEET. 

under  the  ban  of  expulsion,  persecuted  and  home 
less,  from  taking  part  in  the  voyage  ?  Among 
the  explorer's  companions  whose  names  have 
come  down  to  us — the  complete  list  is  lost — there 
were  several  men  of  Jewish  stock ;  for  example, 
Luis  de  Torres,  a  Jew  who  had  occupied  a  posi 
tion  under  the  governor  of  Murcia  and  who  was 
baptized  shortly  before  Columbus  sailed.  As  he 
understood  Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and  some  Arabic, 
Cblumbus  employed  him  as  interpreter.*  Alonso 
de  la  Calle  was  also  of  Jewish  lineage  ;  his  name 
was  derived  from  the  Jew's  Lane,  from  which  he 
came;  he  died  in  Espaftola,  May  23,  1503^ 
Rodrigo  Sanchez  of  Segovia  was  a  relative  of  the 

v  treasurer  Gabriel  Sanchez,  and  he  took  part  in  the 
first  voyage  at  the  particular  request  of  Queen 

""Isabella.  The  ship^physician  Maestre  Bernal 
and  the  surgeon  (surjano)  Marco  were  also  of  Jew 
ish  stock.  Bernal  had  formerly  lived  in  Tortosa, 
and  as  an  adherent  of  Judaism,  por  la  Ley  de 
Moysen,  had  undergone  public  penance  at  Valen 
cia  in  October,  1490,  at  the  same  time  as  Solomon 
Adret  and  his  wife  Isabel  were  burned.;}: 

When  the  fleet,  whose  crew  was  a  very  mixed 

*  Herrera,  Historia  Central,  dec.  I,  lib.  23. 
f  Navarrete,  Coleccion  de  los  Viages,  i.  294. 
\  Inquisition  records  of  Valencia,  now  in  the  archives  of  Alcala 
de  Henares. 


GUANAHANL  gi 

body  of  men — Spaniards,  Moors,  and  Jews,  as 
well  as  a^i  Irishman  and  a  Genoese — had  covered 
more  than  two  thousand  miles,  the  seamen  began 
to  murmur  loudly  at  the  intolerable  length  of  the 
voyage.  Columbus  calmed  them  as  well  as  he 
could.  On  October  nth  after  the  customary 
evening  hymn,  he  admonished  his  crew  to  keep 
a  sharp  look-out  for  land.  In  addition  to  the 
gratuity  of  ten  thousand  maravedis  offered  by 
the  king,  he  promised  a  silk  waistcoat  to  him 
who  should  first  sight  land.  At  last,  early  on 
Friday  morning,  October  I2th — the  day  on  which 
the  Jews  expelled  from  Spain  and  their  co-reli 
gionists  in  every  part  of  the  world  were  sing 
ing  their  hosannas  * — the  cry  "  Tierra,  Tierra  " 
("  Land,  Land  ")  arose  from  the  Pint  a. 

In  his  journal  Columbus  confesses  that  land 
was  first  seen  by  one  of  his  sailors ;  but  the  ava 
ricious  explorer  could  not  withstand  the  tempta 
tion  to  claim  the  royal  gratuity  of  ten  thousand 
maravedis,  and  the  poor  sailor  lost  this  as  well 
as  the  promised  waistcoat.  Who  was  the  for 
tunate  mariner  whose  hopes  were  thus  shattered  ? 
Gongalo  Fernandez  de  Oviedo,  who  saw  the  Jews 
depart  from  Spain  and  heard  their  doleful  lamen 
tations,  was  informed  (so  he  tells  us)  by  Vicente 
Pinzon,  the  commander  of  the  Nina,  and  by  the 

*  It  was  "hosanna  vabbah,"  a  day  on  which  the  Jews  recited 
many  prayers  beginning  with  the  word  "hosanna." 


92 


GUANAHANI. 


seaman  Hernan  Perez  Matheos,  that  it  was  a  sailor 
from  Lepe  who  first  saw  a  distant  light  and  cried 
"  Land."  According  to  Oviedo,  when  this  man 
found  that  he  had  been  defrauded  of  the  gratuity, 
he  obtained  his  discharge,  went  to  Africa,  and 
there  discarded  Christianity  for  his  old  faith.  The 
chronicler  does  not  inform  us  whether  the  old 
faith  was  Judaism.*  According  to  others,  it  was 
Rodrigo  de  Triana,  a  sailor  of  the  Pinta,  who  first 
cried  "  Land." 

The  land  was  Watling's  Island  or  perhaps  Ack- 
lin  Island  ;  the  natives  called  it  Guanahani.  We 
are  told  that  it  was  given  this  name  by  the  Spanish 
Jews  on  board  the  Pinta,  and  Guanahani  is  even 
said  to  be  formed  from  Hebrew  words.  A  pro 
fessor  of  the  Oriental  languages  in  Tacubaya,  who 
comes  from  Mah6n  on  the  island  of  Minorca  and 
who  calls  Isaac  Abravanel  his  ancestor,  claims  to 
have  been  led  to  this  etymological  discovery  by  a 
Spanish  ballad,  which,  he  asserts,  he  received  from 
Spanish  Jews  in  Barbary.  According  to  this  bal 
lad,  in  which  there  is  a  sprinkling  of  Hebrew  and 
Arabic  words,  as  soon  as  Rodrigo  de  Triana  saw 

*  "  .  .  .  porque  no  se  le  dieron  las  albricias  .  .  .  se  passo 
en  Affricay  y  renego  la  fe  ;"  Oviedo,  Coron.  de  las  Indias  [1547], 
cap.  5,  pag.  7.  "  I  asi  el  marinero  de  Lepe  se  paso  en  Kerberia 
y  ali  renego  la  fe  ; "  Gomara,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  168  ; 
Oviedo,  Historia  general  y  natural  de  las  Indias  [Madrid, 
1851],  i.  24. 


GUANAHANL  93 

land  he  uttered  the  little  Hebrew  word  "  /,  /" 
("  Island,  Island  "),  to  one  of  his  Jewish  comrades. 
The  latter  then  asked  in  the  same  language  "  W'an- 
na/tf"  ("And  where?").  Thereupon  Triana  re 
sponded  "Hen-i"  ("There  is  the  island").  Thus 
originated  the  name  "  Uanaheni  "  or  "  Guana- 
hani."*  This  childish  explanation  of  the  word  is 
not  worthy  of  serious  consideration.  Rodrigo  de 
Triana  was  not  a  Jew,  nor  did  he  speak  Hebrew,  and 
Guanahani  is  known  to  be  a  word  of  Indian  origin. 
Columbus  took  possession  of  this  island  for  the 
ruler  of  Castile,  and  then,  sailing  southwest  to 
Fernandina,  discovered  the  island  which  he  named 
Isabella  in  honor  of  the  queen.  Still  searching 
for  the  island  of  Cipango  with  its  fabulous  wealth 
of  gold  and  spices,  he  reached  Cuba  by  the  end  of 
October.  He  believed  that  he  was  in  the  imme 
diate  neighborhood  of  the  Great  Khan's  kingdom, 
and  he  determined  to  send  envoys  into  the  interior 
to  ascertain,  as  he  expressed  it  in  a  letter  to  Luis 
de  Santangel,  whether  a  king  or  great  cities  were 
there.  This  mission  he  entrusted  to  Luis  de  Torres, 
who  was  accompanied  by  Rodrigo  de  Jerez  of  Aya- 
monte.f  Columbus  gave  them  specific  instruc- 

*  F.  Rivas  Puigcerver,  Los  Judfos  y  el  Nuevo  Mundo  [Mexico, 
1891].  See  also  Bolettn  de  la  real  Academia  de  la  Historia,  xix. 
364,  and  xx.  215  sq. 

f  Harrisse,  Chr.  Colomb,  i.  421,  437. 


94  LUIS  DE    TORRES. 

tions,  ordered  them  to  prepare  the  way  for  a 
treaty  of  peace  between  the  ruler  of  the  country 
and  the  Castilian  crown,  and  gave  them  a  letter 
and  presents  for  the  former.  They  also  took  with 
them  samples  of  pepper  and  other  spices,  in  order 
to  show  them  to  the  natives  and  ascertain  where 
such  things  grew.  On  Friday,  November  2d,  Luis 
de  Torres  and  his  companion  began  their  journey 
into  the  unknown  land,  and  returned  to  Columbus 
on  the  sixth.  They  reported  that,  after  travelling 
sixty  miles,  they  came  to  a  place  with  fifty  huts 
and  with  a  population  of  about  one  thousand 
persons ;  here  they  found  men  and  women  with 
fire  in  their  hands,  with  which  they  lit  one  end 
of  a  small  roll  held  in  the  mouth ;  it  resembled 
dried  leaves  and  was  called  tabaco;  *  they  inhaled 
the  other  end  of  the  little  roll,  and  blew  forth 
great  clouds  of  smoke  through  the  mouth  and 
nose.  The  two  envoys  received  a  very  friendly 
welcome  from  the  natives  and  their  chief;  the 
women  kissed  their  hands  and  feet,  and  when 
they  departed  they  were  escorted  by  the  ruler, 
his  son,  and  more  than  five  hundred  persons. f 

*  "  Hallaron  .  .  .  por  el  camino  mucha  gente  que  atrave- 
saba  a  sus  pueblos,  mugeres  y  hombres,  con  un  tizon  en  la  mano, 
yerbas  para  tomar  sus  sahumerios  que  acostumbraban."  Navar- 
rete,  Coleccion  de  los  Viages,  i.  51. 

f  Franc.  Ad.  de  Varnhagen,  La  verdadera  Guanahani  de  Colon 
[Santiago,  1864],  pp.  31  sq. 


INDIANS  AND   ISRAELITES. 


95 


Luis  de  Torres,  the  first  European  who  dis 
covered  the  use  of  tobacco,  was  also  the  first 
person  of  Jewish  stock  who  settled  in  Cuba.  He 
won  the  favor  of  the  ruler,  the  cacique,  and  re 
ceived  from  him  as  presents  not  merely  lands  but 
also  slaves — five  adults  and  a  child.*  The  king 
and  queen  of  Spain  granted  him  a  yearly  allow 
ance  of  8,645  maravedis,f  and  he  died  in  the 
newly  discovered  land.J 

In  Cuba,  Espaflola,  and  the  other  islands  which 
he  discovered,  Columbus  found  natives  who  had 
their  caciques,  and  their  own  language  and  tradi 
tions.  To  what  race  did  these  aborigines  of 
America  belong?  Several  writers  have  asserted, 
and  have  displayed  much  learning  in  attempting 
to  prove,  that  the  aborigines  were  descendants 
of  the  Jews.§  This  result  was  reached  already 
in  the  sixteenth  century  by  the  Spanish  clergy 
man  Roldan  ;  his  arguments  were  derived  from  an 
unpublished  manuscript  which  he  discovered  in 


*"  Luis  de  Torres  .  .  .  en  el  dicho  cacique  un  nino  .  .  . 
cinco  viejos  que  no  son  de  servicio."  Documentos  incditos  del 
Archive  de  Indias,  i.  87. 

f  Arch,  de  Indias,  39,  2,  £.  The  allowance  of  Maestre  Alonso 
fisico  was  n,iS8  maravedis. 

\  Ces.  Fernandez  Duro,  Estudios  auxiliares  para  reconstitucidn 
de  la  nao  Santa  Maria  [Madrid,  1892],  p.  61. 

§  Among  other  writers,  see  Gaffarel,  Histoire  de  la  decouverte 
de  FAme'rique  [Paris,  1892],  i.  89  sq. 


96  INDIANS  AND  ISRAELITES. 

the  Library  of  S.  Pablo  in  Seville.*  Montesinos,f 
who  possessed  the  manuscripts  of  Luis  Lopez,  the 
learned  Bishop  of  Quito,  was  convinced  that  the 
Peruvians  were  of  Jewish  origin.  The  view  of 
Roldan  and  of  Grcgorio  Garcia,  J  that  the  abo 
rigines  of  America  were  descendants  of  the  Jews, 
was  maintained  with  many  arguments  in  one  and 
the  same  year,  1650,  independently  by  the  English 
man  Thorowgood  §  and  by  the  Portuguese  Jew 
Manasseh  ben  Israel,  a  renowned  rabbi  of  Am 
sterdam  who  induced  Cromwell  to  allow  the  Jews 
to  return  to  England.  A  Portuguese  Marrano  of 
Villaflor,  who,  strange  to  say,  also  called  himself 
Montesinos  and  afterwards  assumed  the  name 
Aaron  Levi,  informed  Manasseh  that  he  had 
mingled  in  South  America  with  Jews  of  the  Ten 
Tribes.  Manasseh's  book  attracted  much  atten 
tion  and  was  translated  into  Latin,  Spanish, 
Dutch,  English,  Italian,  and  Hebrew.  ||  Nor  has 
interest  in  it  ceased  even  at  the  present  day ; 

*  See  Appendix  viii. 

f  He  was  a  fiery  and  fearless  clergyman,  who  for  a  long  time 
resided  in  Lima  early  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

\  Greg.  Garcia,  Or: gen  de  los  Indies  de  el  Nucvo  Mondo 
[Valencia,  1607]. 

§  Thorowgood,  Jews  in  America  ;  or  Probabilities  that  the 
Americans  are  of  that  Race  [London,  1650]. 

|  Menasse  ben  Israel,  Esperanfa  de  Israel  [Amsterdam,  1650 ; 
2d  edition,  Smyrna,  1659].  The  Latin  translation  is  entitled 
Spes  Israelis  [anno  1650], 


INDIANS  AND  ISRAELITES. 


this  treatise  "  on  the  origin  of  the  Americans  " 
was  reprinted  twelve  years  ago  by  the  Spaniard 
Santago  Perez  Junquera.*  The  descent  of  the 
Americans  is,  in  fact,  a  question  which  has  often 
been  discussed  since  the  discovery  of  America 
down  to  the  present  day.  Even  in  recent  times 
the  Englishman  Lord  Kingsborough  devoted  his 
time,  his  attainments,  and  the  greater  part  of  his 
large  fortune  to  the  publication  of  a  collection 
of  American  documents,  in  order  to  prove  the 
Jewish  origin  of  the  Americans.f 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Jews  who  were 
driven  from  Nineveh  by  Salmanassar  wandered 
into  uninhabited  regions.  According  to  Herrera, 
the  Indians  cherished  the  tradition  that  Yucatan 
had  been  settled  by  tribes  from  the  Orient.  Sev 
eral  writers  give  the  exact  route  by  which  the 
Jews  travelled  until  they  settled  in  Cuba.  Lord 
Kingsborough  even  asserts  that  they  crossed  Beh- 
ring  Straits,  and  then  proceeded  to  Mexico  and 
Peru. 

*  Junquera,  Esperanto,  de  Israel.  ReimpresiSn  del  libro  .  .  . 
sobre  el  ortgen  de  los  Americanos  [Madrid,  1881],  Rabbi  Louis 
Grossmann  of  Detroit,  Mich.,  translated  a  part  of  the  work  into 
English,  in  the  American  Jews'  Annual  for  the  year  5649,  i.e. 
1889,  under  the  title  The  Origin  of  the  American  Indians  and  the 
Lost  Ten  Tribes  [New  York,  Chicago,  and  Cincinnati :  Leo 
Wise  &  Co.]- 

f  Antiquities  of  Mexico  [London,  1830-1848],  vol.  vi. 

7 


98 


INDIANS  AND   ISRAELITES. 


Of  more  interest  than  the  mode  of  migration 
is  the  question  whether  any  analogies  in  language, 
in  traditions,  in  religious  conceptions,  or  in  reli 
gious  ceremonies  justify  the  acceptance  of  this 
ethnological  theory.  Roldan's  chief  argument  in 
support  of  his  view  is  the  language  of  the  Indians 
in  Espaftola,  Cuba,  Jamaica,  and  the  adjoining 
islands.  He  contends  that  it  has  many  resem 
blances  to  Hebrew ;  in  fact,  he  even  calls  it  cor 
rupted  Hebrew.  He  asserts  that  such  names  as 
Cuba  and  Hayti  are  Hebrew,  and  that  they  were 
first  applied  by  the  earliest  caciques,  the  chiefs  or 
leaders  (Kasin),  who  discovered  and  peopled  the 
islands.  The  names  of  rivers  and  of  persons 
in  use  among  the  natives  are  derived  from  the 
Hebrew  :  for  example,  Haina  from  the  Hebrew 
Ain,  stream,  Yones  from  Jona,  Yaque  from  Jacob, 
Ures  from  Urias,  Siabao  from  Siba,  Maisi  from 
Moysi.  The  names  of  their  tools,  of  their  little 
canoes  or  cansas,  the  name  axi  for  pepper,  the 
name  of  the  store-house  for  maize,  grain,  and  the 
like,  all  point  to  the  Hebrew  language.* 

Their  rites  and  ceremonies,  as  well  as  their  lan 
guage,  form  one  of  the  main  arguments  in  favor  of 
this  theory  of  descent.  Circumcision  prevailed 
among  the  Indians  ;  they  often  bathed  in  rivers 

*  See  Appendix  viii. 


INDIANS  AND   ISRAELITES. 


99 


and  streams  ;  they  refrained  from  touching  the 
dead  and  from  tasting  blood  ;  they  had  definite 
fast-days  ;  marriage  with  sisters-in-law  was  per 
mitted  if  they  were  childless  widows  ;  wives  were 
discarded  for  new  helpmates.  They  also  sacrificed 
first  fruits  on  high  mountains  and  under  shady 
trees  ;  they  had  temples  and  carried  a  holy  ark 
before  them  in  time  of  war ;  they  were  also,  like 
the  Ten  Tribes,  inclined  to  idol  worship.*  All 
writers  and  travellers  agree,  moreover,  that  there 
were  many  Jewish  types  of  face  among  the  Indi 
ans,  the  aborigines  of  America. 

The  question  whether  the  American  Indians  are 
descendants  of  the  Jews,  whether  they  are  the 
offspring  of  "  the  lost  Ten  Tribes,"  has  often  been 
answered  in  both  the  affirmative  and  the  negative,  f 
but  it  has  not  yet  been  definitely  settled. 

*  See  Appendix  viii. 

f  See,  among  other  writers,  Garrick  Mallery,  Israelite  and 
Indian  ;  a  Parallel  in  Planes  of  Culture  [Salem,  1889]  ;  trans 
lated  into  German  by  F.  S.  Krauss  [Leipzig,  1892].  For  other 
works  on  this  subject,  see  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 
America,  edited  by  Justin  Winsor  [Boston,  1889],  i.  115,  116. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

COLUMBUS'S  RETURN — His  LETTERS  TO  SANTANGEL  AND  SAN 
CHEZ—PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  SECOND  EXPEDITION  ;  THE 
MONEY  OF  THE  JEWS  UTILIZED — THE  SECOND  VOYAGE — 
PORTUGUESE  DISCOVERIES — VASCO  DA  GAMA  AND  ABRAHAM 
ZACUTO — CASPAR  DA  GAMA — FRANCISCO  D' ALBUQUERQUE 
AND  HUCEFE,  OR  ALEXANDER  D'ATAYDE. 

DELIGHTED  with  the  success  of  his  expedition 
and  with  the  great  treasures  of  gold,  silver,  and 
spices  which  he  had  found,  Columbus  began  his 
return  voyage  in  January,  1493.  He  gratefully 
remembered  that  Luis  de  Santangel  had  furnished 
him  with  the  means  of  undertaking  his  journey, 
and  hence  he  regarded  it  as  his  duty  to  send 
Santangel  the  first  glad  tidings  of  his  success — a 
detailed  account  of  his  voyage  and  discoveries. 
This  letter  was  written  in  Spanish  near  the 
Azores  or  the  Canaries  on  February  15,  1493. 
In  it  Columbus  spoke  of  the  great  triumph  which 
God  had  vouchsafed  to  him,  and  stated  that 
he  and  the  armada  which  the  Spanish  monarch 
had  placed  at  his  disposal  had  reached  the  Indies 
in  twenty-three  days,  and  that  he  had  there  dis 
covered  many  inhabited  islands.*  He  made  a 

*  His  letter  to  Luis  de  Santangel  is  printed  by  Navarrete,  Co  lec 
tion  de  los  Viages,  i.  167-174. 


COLUXBUS'S  LETTERS.  ioi 

similar  report  to  the  treasurer  Gabriel  Sanchez. 
Santangel  and  Sanchez  immediately  forwarded 
these  letters  to  the  king  and  queen,  who  were  then 
residing  at  Barcelona,  and  soon  afterwards  their 
majesties  received  the  explorer  with  much  cere 
mony. 

The  news  of  the  discoveries  rapidly  spread 
through  the  greater  part  of  Europe.*  Gabriel 

*  Columbus  and  the  Spanish  discoveries  early  attracted  the  at 
tention  of  Jewish  writers.  The  first  of  them  who  mentions  the 
subject  is  Abraham  Farisol  of  Avignon,  who,  when  nineteen  years 
of  age,  settled  in  Mantua,  and  thence  migrated  to  Ferrara.  Here 
he  was  appointed  cantor  of  the  Jewish  community,  and  he  also 
devoted  himself  to  active  literary  work.  In  his  leisure  moments 
he  studied  natural  science  and  cosmography.  The  accounts  of 
Columbus's  discoveries  which  were  first  published  at  Vicenza,  in 
1507,  in  a  collection  of  travels  in  the  New  World,  served  as  the 
basis  of  Farisol's  work  entitled  Letter  on  the  Ways  of  Life.  It  was 
written  in  Hebrew  in  November,  1524,  and  was  first  published  in 
Venice  in  1587.  It  was  reprinted  with  a  Latin  translation  by 
Thomas  Hyde  in  1691.  This  work,  which  is  a  sort  of  general 
treatise  on  geography,  gives  some  brief  notices  concerning  America, 
and  calls  the  discoverer  "  Cristofol  Colombo,  a  Genoese." 

This  subject  was  studied  more  thoroughly  by  Joseph  Cohen,  a 
son  of  Spanish  exiles,  who  was  born  in  Avignon  in  1495.  He  was 
educated  in  Genoa,  where  he  practised  as  a  physician  until  1550, 
when  he  and  his  coreligionists  were  banished  from  that  city.  He 
went  to  Voltaggio,  where  he  remained  eighteen  years,  and  then 
settled  in  Costelleto  in  Montferrat.  He  was  eighty  years  old 
when  he  died.  He  translated  into  Hebrew  the  Historia  general 
de  las  Indias,  by  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara,  which  appeared  in 
1535,  and  the  second  part  of  which  contains  La  Conquista  de 
Mexico  y  de  la  Nueva  Espana.  The  Hebrew  translation  is  in  two 
books  :  "  The  Book  of  India,"  and  "The  Book  of  Fernando  Cor- 


IO2  COLUM BUS'S  LETTERS. 

Sanchez  gave  a  copy  of  Columbus's  letter  to  a 
bookseller  in  Barcelona,  who  had  it  printed  in 
Gothic  characters ;  within  a  year  two  editions 
were  published.  Leandro  de  Cosco  prepared  a 
Latin  translation,  of  which  four  editions  were 
printed  in  the  first  year,  1493.  In  recent  years 
several  English  and  Italian  translations  of  these 
letters  have  been  published.*  They  will  always 

tes,"  or  "  The  Book  of  Mexico."  The  translation,  which  was  com 
pleted  in  1557,  exists  only  in  manuscript.  See  Revue  des  Etudes 
Juives,  xvi.  30  sq.  Cohen  also  deals  with  the  Portuguese  and 
Spanish  discoveries  in  his  Hebrew  treatise  entitled,  Book  of  the 
Chronicle  of  the  Kings  of  France  and  of  the  Ottoman  Grand- 
Dukes,  which  first  appeared  in  Venice  in  1553  or  1554.  It  was 
reprinted  in  Amsterdam  in  1733,  and  was  translated  into  English 
by  Bialloblotzky,  under  the  title,  The  Chronicles  of  R.  Joseph  ben 
Joshua  the  Sephardi  [London,  1834-36].  The  passages  relating 
to  the  Spanish  explorations  were  reprinted  by  Dr.  A.  Kohut  in  The 
Menorah,  xiii.  417  sq.  Cohen  ascribes  the  discovery  of  America 
to  Amerigo  Vespucci. 

*  For  Italian  translations  of  both  letters,  see  Raccolta  completa 
dellig  scritti  di  Crist.  Colombo  .  .  .  di  Giov.  Batt.  Torre  [1864], 
pp.  214-229;  and  Lettera  in  lingua  spagnuola  dir.  da  Crist.  Co 
lombo  d  Luis  de  Santangel,  riprod.  ed  illustr.  p.  Gerol.  D'Adda 
[Milan,  1866].  Both  letters  are  printed  in  Notes  on  Columbus  by 
H.  Harrisse  [New  York,  1866],  pp.  89  sq.,  101  sq.  See  ^o  Letters 
of  Columbus  to  Luis  de  Santangel,  1493  [New  York,  1864]  ;  Co 
lumbus' s  Spanish  Letter  to  Luis  de  Santangel,  escribano  de  radon 
of  the  kingdom  of  Aragon,  reprinted  in  facsimile,  translated  and 
edited  from  the  unique  copy  of  the  original  [London,  1891]  ;  The 
first  Letter  of  Chr.  Columbus  to  the  noble  lord  Raphael  Sanchez, 
reproduced  in  facsimile  from  the  copy  of  the  Latin  version  of 
1493  now  in  the  Boston  Public  Library  [Boston,  1891.  Edited 
by  Henry  W.  Haynes]. 


COLUMBUS' S  SECOND    VOYAGE.  103 

form  the  most  remarkable  memorial  of  American 
history. 

In  order  to  guard  against  the  jealousy  of  Portu 
gal,  and  to  secure  for  Spain  the  lands  discovered 
by  Columbus  as  well  as  those  that  he  might  dis 
cover  in  the  future,  the  wily  Ferdinand  appealed 
to  the  pope  for  assistance.  At  that  time  the 
papal  throne  was  occupied  by  the  Aragonese 
Alexander  VI.  The  only  good  thing  that  can  be 
said  of  him  is  that  he  treated  the  Jews  magnani 
mously  ;  he  was,  in  fact,  commonly  called  "  the 
Marrano,"  or  "  the  Jew."  *  Though  he  was  not  a 
friend  of  Ferdinand,  he  issued  his  celebrated  Bull 
of  Demarcation  on  May  3,  1493,  which  aimed  to 
prevent  future  quarrels  between  Spain  and  Portu 
gal  regarding  the  possession  of  newly  discovered 
territory.  This  concession  was  granted  to  Spain 
for  all  future  time,  on  condition  that  her  rulers 
should  strive  to  propagate  the  Catholic  faith  in 
the  newly  discovered  lands.f 

While  Columbus  was  yet  in  Barcelona,  rapid 
preparations  were  made  for  his  second  voyage. 
Ferdinand  did  not  now  lack  means.  According 
to  his  own  statement,  he  had  ascertained  that 

*  Dollinger,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  des  16.  Jahrhunderts,  iii. 
383  ;  Valent.  Nemec,  Papst  Alexander  VI.  [Klagenfurt,  1879.] 

f  This  concession  was  subsequently  modified  by  the  Treaty  of 
Tordesillas. 


104  COLUMBUS' S  SECOND    VOYAGE. 

the  Jews,  expelled  from  his  kingdom  "  for  the 
honor  and  glory  of  God,"  had  left  behind  them 
money  or  its  equivalent  in  real  and  personal 
property,  as  well  as  many  debts  which  they  had 
been  unable  to  collect.  According  to  a  royal 
order  of  November  23,  1492,  the  authorities  were 
to  confiscate  for  the  state  treasury  all  property 
which  had  belonged  to  the  Jews,  including  that 
which  Christians  had  taken  from  them,  or  had 
appropriated  unlawfully  or  by  violence.*  On 
May  23,  1493,  the  admiral  of  the  newly  discovered 
islands  and  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca,  Arch 
deacon  of  Seville,  who  was  supervising  the  equip 
ment  of  the  fleet  on  behalf  of  the  crown,  were 
ordered  to  go  to  Seville  and  Cadiz  for  the  pur 
pose  of  securing  such  ships,  seamen,  and  provi 
sions  as  were  needed  for  the  second  expedition. f 
On  the  same  day  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  signed  a 
large  number  of  injunctions  to  royal  officers  in 
Soria,  Zamora,  Burgos,  and  many  other  cities, 

*  The  document,  dated  Saragossa,  November  23,  1492,  begins 
as  follows  :  "  Ferdinandus  Rex  delectis  meis  Jacobo  Casafranca 
et  Benedicto  Ginneu  salutem  et  delectionem.  Tempore  expul- 
sionis  Judeorum  nostri  edict!  et  imperii  ad  honorem  et  gloriam 
Majestatis  domini  facto  ab  omnibus  Regnis  et  terris  nostris 
intelleximus  ab  ipsis  Judeis  sub  ipso  recessu  varias  et  diversas 
pecunias  esse  extortas,"  etc.  Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon, 
Reg.  3552,  fol.  162. 

f  The  document  is  dated  Barcelona,  May  23,  1493 ;  see 
Appendix  ix. 


COLUM BUS'S  SECOND    VOYAGE.  105 

directing  them  to  secure  immediate  possession  of 
all  the  money,  precious  metals,  gold  and  silver 
utensils,  jewels,  gems,  and  everything  else  that  had 
been  taken  from  Jews  who  had  been  expelled  from 
Spain  or  who  had  migrated  to  Portugal,  and  every 
thing  that  these  Jews  had  entrusted  for  safe-keep 
ing  to  Marrano  relatives  or  friends,  and  all  Jewish 
possessions  which  Christians  had  found  or  had 
unlawfully  appropriated.  The  royal  officers  were 
also  ordered  to  convert  all  this  property  into 
ready  money  and  to  give  the  proceeds  to  the 
treasurer  Francisco  Pinelo  in  Seville,  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  Columbus's  second  expedition.* 

The  large  sums  of  money  which  had  been  taken 
from  the  banished  Jews  were  thus  appropriated 
by  the  crown.  For  example,  several  bills  of  ex 
change  which  Juan  Bran,  a  Jew  who  had  fled  to 
Portugal,  was  to  pay  for  Antonio  de  Castro  of 
Toledo  to  Julian  Catanes  and  Bernaldo  Pinolo, 
were  found  in  the  possession  of  various  merchants, 
and  were  confiscated  by  the  crown.  The  pro 
ceeds,  4,120  ducats  in  gold,  were  deposited  in  the 
monastery  of  Las  Cuevas  by  De  la  Torre,  an 
officer  of  the  royal  treasury.  On  May  23,  1493, 
the  king  and  queen  requested  the  Count  of  Cifu- 
entes  to  take  the  money  from  the  monastery  at 
once  and  have  it  safely  transferred  to  the  treas- 
*  See  Appendix  x.-xvii. 


I06  COLUMBUS' S  SECOND    VOYAGE. 

urer  Pinelo,  in  order  that  he  might  use  it  for  the 
equipment  of  the  fleet  which  was  to  be  sent  to 
the  Indies.*  Juan  de  Ocampo,  the  Alcaide  of 
Oruefia,  had  in  his  possession  gold,  ornaments, 
clothing,  and  other  articles,  abandoned  by  a  Jew 
who  had  fled  to  Portugal.  A  detailed  inventory 
of  this  property,  drawn  up  by  the  royal  secretary 
Fernando  Alvares  de  Toledo  and  signed  by  other 
royal  officers,  was  sent  to  Count  Alonso,  a  kins 
man  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  ;  he  was  instructed 
to  take  charge  of  the  articles,  to  sell  them,  and  to 
give  the  proceeds,  by  the  end  of  June  or  at  the 
latest  by  July  loth,  to  Pinelo,  to  help  pay  the  ex 
penses  of  the  armada  which  was  to  be  equipped 
"  for  the  discovery  of  the  islands  and  continents 
in  the  ocean. "f  In  like  manner  and  for  the  same 
purpose  Bernaldinode  Lermawas  ordered  to  trans 
fer  to  Pinelo  the  cash  equivalent  of  the  money, 
valuables,  clothing,  and  other  articles  belonging 
to  the  banished  Jews  which  the  king's  bailiff  Juan 
de  Soria,  the  wife  of  Diego  Guiral,  Antonio  Gomez 
de  Sevilla,  Alvaro  de  Ledesma,  and  others  had 
received  from  the  goldsmith  Diego  de  Medina  of 
Zamora.  Bernaldino  received  an  order  to  deal  in 
like  manner  with  all  the  gold,  silver,  jewels,  and 

*  Appendix  x. 

f  For  the  decrees,   dated  May  20  and  May  23,  1493,  and  the 
inventory,  see  Appendix  xi.  and  xii. 


COLUMBUS' }S  SECOND    VOYAGE. 


ID/ 


various  other  things  (specified  in  an  inventory 
sent  with  the  order)  which  Rabbi  Ephraim,*  the 
richest  Jew  in  Burgos,  had,  before  migrating  from 
Spain,  left  with  Isabel  Osorio,  the  wife  of  Luis 
Nunez  Coronel  of  Zamora.t 

Not  merely  the  clothing,  ornaments,  and 
valuables  which  had  been  taken  from  the  fugitive 
Jews  were  converted  into  money,  but  also  the 
debts  which  they  had  been  unable  to  recover  were 
declared  by  order  of  the  crown  to  be  forfeited  to 
the  state  treasury,  and  stringent  measures  were 
adopted  to  collect  them.  Several  merchants  in 
Calahorra,  Burgos,  and  other  cities,  namely, 
Alonso  de  Lerma,  Juan  de  Torres,  Alonso  de 
Salamanca,  Juan  Alonso  de  Sahagund,  and  others, 
owed  large  sums  of  money  to  the  wealthy 
Ephraim  and  to  Benveniste  of  Calahorra,  who 
at  the  time  of  the  expulsion  was  an  inhabitant 
of  Burgos.  Garcia  de  Herrera,  an  officer  of  the 
royal  household,  was  ordered  to  collect  these 
debts  at  once,  as  well  as  all  other  debts  which 
the  Jews  had  left  behind  them  within  the  terri 
tory  of  Burgos,  or  at  least  such  of  these  claims 
as  had  not  already  been  paid  to  the  corregidor 
Garcia  Cortes.  In  like  manner  Luis  Nuftez 

*  In  contemporary  documents  he  is  sometimes  called  Rabi 
Frayn,  or  Rubifrayn. 

f  See  Appendix  xv.-xvii. 


108  COLUMBUS' 'S  SECOND    VOYAGE. 

Coronel  was  commanded  to  pay  to  Bernaldino 
de  Lerma,  without  further  opposition  or  delay, 
the  4,850  ducats  which  his  wife  owed  for  houses 
bought  from  the  Jews.* 

The  above-mentioned  inventories  of  the  con 
fiscated  articles  found  in  the  hands  of  Christians 
or  in  the  hands  of  Marrano  kinsmen  of  the  ban 
ished  Jewsf  enable  us  to  estimate  approximately 
the  wealth  of  the  Jews,  as  well  as  the  avarice  of 
the  Spanish  rulers.  Among  the  possessions  of  the 
Jews  we  find  spoons,  cups,  bowls,  kettles,  pots, 
candlesticks,  canes,  all  of  silver,  also  silver  and 
gold  rings,  pearls  and  corals,  a  surprisingly  large 
number  of  silver  bracelets,  brooches,  belts,  chains, 
buckles,  buttons,  and  head-bands.  \  In  their 
boundless  avarice  the  king  and  queen  ordered  not 

*  See  Appendix  xvi.  For  the  order  sent  to  Garcia  de  Herrera, 
dated  Barcelona,  May  24,  1493,  see  Coleccion  de  Documentos 
inedltos  rel.  al  descubrimiento  de  las  antiguas  posesiones  de  Ami- 
rtca,  xxx.  77-91  :  "  Para  Garcia  Cortes  corregidor  de  Burgos  en 
rrempuesta  de  lo  que  escrebio  .  .  .  de  las  debdas  que  le  ocurrian 
cerca  de  la  cobranza  de  las  debdas  que  dexaron  los  judios  en  la 
dicha  cibdad  e  su  tierra-^en  otras  partes  que  quedo  a  cargo  de 
cobrar  a  vecinos  de  la  dicha  cibdad." 

f  From  the  Marrano  Ifiigo  de  Ribas  Altas,  whose  earlier  name 
is  not  mentioned  in  the  document,  various  silver  articles  were 
taken  which  belonged  to  his  mother-in-law,  a  Jewess  who  re 
mained  in  Portugal.  See  Appendix  xv. 

\  The  law  forbade  Jewish  women  to  wear  ornaments  made  of 
gold.  See  Kayserling,  Das  Castilianische  Gemeinde-Stalut,  in 
Jahr bitch  filr  die  Geschichte  dcr  Juden,  iv.  278,  331. 


COLUMBUS' S  SECOND    VOYAGE. 


109 


merely  all  the  confiscated  valuables  and  clothing 
of  the  Jews  to  be  sold,  but  also  the  threadbare 
damask,  velvet,  silk,  and  linen  coverings  and 
mantles  of  the  Torah  rolls,  and  the  silk  table- 
covers  used  in  the  synagogues  ;  they  were  all  util 
ized  for  the  equipment  of  Columbus's  expedition. 
It  is  quite  certain  that  the  measures  adopted  by 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella  for  Soria,  Zamora,  and 
Burgos  were  also  applied  to  all  other  cities  and 
provinces  in  which  Jews  had  lived.  From  the  in 
ventories  which  are  still  extant  we  may  infer  that 
in  cash  alone — in  the  form  of  ducats,  doubloons, 
reals,  castellanos,  florins,  justos,*  and  cruzados — 
at  least  two  million  maravedisf  were  taken  from 
the  banished  Jews.  If  we  add  to  this  the  pro 
ceeds  of  the  confiscated  bills  of  exchange  which 
came  from  Portugal,  the  large  debts  due  the  Jews 
in  Burgos  alone  which  the  crown  collected,  and 
the  proceeds  of  the  many  gold  and  silver  articles, 
jewels  and  gems,  specified  as  sequestered,  the  sum 
which  the  state  treasury  gained  by  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jews — reckoned  simply  on  the  basis  of  the 
extant  inventories — amounted  to  about  six  mil 
lion  maravedis.  This  was  more  than  four  times 

*  A  justo  is  a  Portuguese  gold  coin  worth  600  reis ;  a  half  justo 
is  called  an  espadin. 

f  In  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  I  mark  of  silver  — 
2210  maravedis,  I  ducat  =  383  maravedis,  I  doubloon  =  490 
maravedis. 


HO  COLUMBUS' S  SECOND    VOYAGE. 

as  much  as  was  expended  on  Columbus's  first  ex 
pedition.*  To  this  sum  must  be  added  the  two 
million  which  the  Inquisition  in  Seville  handed 
over  to  the  Florentine  merchant  Juonato  Beradi, 
who  lived  in  Seville  and  who  had  been  entrusted 
with  the  equipment  of  the  armada.f 

It  is  impossible  to  compute  the  enormous  sums 
which  the  Inquisition  wrested  from  the  Jews  and 
Moors,  or  which  the  state  treasury  gained  by  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jews.  Poor  Spain  !  According 
to  an  order  of  May  23,  1493,  it  was  from  the  money 
of  the  Jews  that  Columbus  was  paid  the  ten 
thousand  maravedis  which  the  Spanish  monarchs 
had  promised  as  a  reward  to  him  who  should  first 
sight  land  ;  and  on  May  24th  he  received  an  addi 
tional  gift  of  a  thousand  doubloons  from  the  same 
source. \  As  we  have  already  pointed  out,  it  was 
also  with  Jewish  gold  that  the  expenses  of  his 
second  expedition  were  paid. 

On  May  28,  1493,  Columbus  left  Barcelona  to 
make  the  necessary  preparations  for  his  second 

*  Cf.  Harrisse,  Ch.  Colomb,  i.  396. 

f  "Las  Caraveles,  que  os  escrivimos,  havian  de  ir  a  Indias  dara 
Juonato  Beradi  por  los  precios  que  vereis  :  el  obispo  de  Avila 
escriuio  a  los  Inquisidores  de  Sevilla  que  os  diesen  dos  cuentos 
.  .  .  y  vaya  muy  presto  que  hay  en  Indias  mucha  necesidad." 
Coleccion  Munoz  (Biblioteca  de  la  real  Academia  de  la  Historia  en 
Madrid),  vol.  75,  fol.  168. 

\  Coleccion  de  Documentos  .    .    .    de  America,  xxix.  492  sq. 


COLUMBUS' 'S  SECOND    VOYAGE.  \\\ 

great  voyage,  and  he  sailed  from  Cadiz  for  Amer 
ica  on  September  25th.  He  was  accompanied  by 
twelve  hundred  men,  among  whom  there  were, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  first  voyage,  several  persons 
of  Jewish  lineage.  The  list  of  the  crew  has  not 
come  down  to  us. 

Columbus  discovered  the  islands  of  Dominica, 
Marigalante,  Guadaloupe,  and  Porto  Rico,  and 
ultimately  reached  Jamaica  ;  but  he  soon  fell  from 
the  pinnacle  of  renown  to  which  he  had  so  labori 
ously  climbed.  The  hidalgos  who  accompanied 
him  were  disappointed  in  their  expectations  ;  the 
success  attained  was  not  commensurate  with  the 
great  cost  of  their  voyage.  The  rulers  of  Spain, 
the  distrustful  Ferdinand  and  the  fickle  Isabella, 
withdrew  from  him  their  favor,  until  finally  he 
fell  into  disgrace.  This  was  partly  due  to  the 
discoveries  which  the  Portuguese  made  about 
that  time. 

Columbus's  success  had  encouraged  the  Portu 
guese  to  continue  their  explorations  along  the 
south  coast  of  Africa,  in  search  of  the  land  of 
precious  stones  and  spices  and  an  ocean-route  to 
India.  The  plan  which  Joao  II.  had  formed  to 
undertake  a  new  voyage  of  discovery,  but  which 
his  death  prevented  him  from  executing,  was 
taken  up  by  his  nephew  and  successor,  Dom  Man- 


112  FA  SCO  DA    GAM  A   AND  ZACUTO. 

uel,  soon  after  his  accession  to  the  throne.  The 
commander  whom  he  appointed  to  take  charge  of 
the  squadron  equipped  for  this  purpose  was  Vasco 
da  Gama,  a  man  of  great  determination,  well  versed 
in  cosmography  and  nautical  science. 

Before  dispatching  the  flotilla,  however,  the 
king  summoned  his  confidential  astrologer  to 
Beja,  the  royal  residence,  in  order  to  consult  with 
him  once  more  concerning  the  plan  of  exploration. 
This  astrologer  was  Abraham  Zacuto,  mentioned 
in  a  preceding  chapter,  who  in  consequence  of  the 
Spanish  edict  of  expulsion  of  March  31,  1492, 
had  followed  his  aged  teacher,  the  pious  rabbi 
Isaac  Aboab,  to  Portugal,  and  had  settled  in  Lis 
bon.  Henceforth  he  devoted  his  services  to  the 
land  which,  at  least  for  a  while,  hospitably  received 
him  and  his  Spanish  co-religionists.  On  account 
of  his  extensive  knowledge  of  astronomy  and 
mathematics,  he  was  highly  esteemed  by  both 
King  Joao  and  Dom  Manuel.  In  1494  Joao  made 
him  an  honorary  present  of  ten  espadins  in  gold, 
or  three  thousand  reis  ;  *  Manuel  appointed  him 
his  astrologer,  and  had  frequent  conferences  with 
him  concerning  astronomical  and  maritime  mat 
ters.  At  King  Manuel's  request,  Zacuto  devoted 
himself  with  much  zeal  to  the  elaboration  of  a 

*  Ribeiro  dos  Santos,  Sobre  algunos  mathematicos  Fortuguezes, 
in  Memorias  da  literatura  Portugueza,  viii.  163. 


VASCO  DA    GAM  A   AND  ZACUTO. 

theory  concerning  storms,  and  he  indicated  how 
ships  could,  without  danger,  make  the  voyage  to 
the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  return  in  a  compara 
tively  short  time.* 

King  Manuel  showed  his  gratitude  to  Zacuto, 
and  asked  the  latter's  advice  concerning  the  pro 
posed  expedition  to  India.  The  astrologer  did 
not  conceal  from  the  king  the  great  dangers  which 
would  have  to  be  encountered  in  a  journey  to  so 
distant  a  land,  but  he  said  that,  in  his  opinion,  it 
would  result  in  the  subjection  of  a  large  part  of 
India  to  the  Portuguese  crown.  f  Zacuto's  works 
materially  facilitated  the  execution  of  the  great 
plans  of  Vasco  da  Gama  and  other  explorers. 
Da  Gama  held  Zacuto  in  high  esteem,  and  before 
sailing  from  Lisbon  on  July  8,  1497,  conferred 
with  him  and  received  information  from  him  in 
the  presence  of  his  whole  crew.J 

During  Da  Gama's  return  voyage  to  Europe, 
while  he  was  staying  on  the  little  island  of 
Anchediva,  sixty  miles  from  Goa,  a  tall  European 
with  a  long  white  beard  approached  his  ship,  in  a 
boat  with  a  small  crew.  He  had  been  sent  by  his 

*  Caspar  Correa,  Lendas  da  India,  in  Collecfoo  de  monumentos 
ineditos  para  a  historia  dos  Portuguezes,  i.  261  sq. 

f  Ibid.,  i.  10. 

\  Before  1502  Zacuto  went  to  Tunis,  where  he  wrote  his  valu 
able  chronicle,  Jochasin.  He  died  in  Smyrna  about  the  year  1515. 
8 


ITT 


., 


114 


CASPAR  DA    GAM  A. 


master  Sabayo,  the  Moorish  ruler  of  Goa,  to  nego 
tiate  with  the  foreign  navigator.  This  visitor  was 
a  Jew,  who,  according  to  some  chroniclers,  came 
from  Posen,  according  to  others  from  Granada. 
Expelled  from  their  homes  on  account  of  their 
religion,  his  parents  had  migrated  to  Turkey  and 
Palestine.  From  Alexandria,  which  according  to 
some  chroniclers  was  his  birthplace,  he  proceeded 
across  the  Red  Sea  to  Mecca  and  thence  to  India. 
Here  he  was  in  captivity  for  a  long  time,  and 
later  was  made  admiral  (capitao  mor)  by  Sabayo.  * 
When  the  Jew  reached  the  Portuguese  vessels 
with  their  flying  bunting,  he  greeted  the  fleet  in 
the  Castilian  language  with  the  nautical  salutation, 
"  God  bless  the  ships,  the  captains,  and  all  the 
sailors."  Great  was  the  joy  of  the  Portuguese  to 
hear  so  far  from  home  a  language  closely  related 
to  their  native  speech.  Great  also  was  the  desire 
of  the  Jew  to  obtain  news  from  his  native  land, 
which  still  remained  dear  to  him.  Trusting  to 
the  promise  of  complete  security  which  the 

*  According  to  Damiao  de  Goes,  Chron.  de  D.  Manuel,  pt.  I, 
cap.  44,  "  era  judeu  de  Reyno  do  Polonia  do  Cidade  de  Posna." 
According  to  Barros,  Asia,  dec.  I,  lib.  4,  cap.  n,  he  was  born  in 
Alexandria.  Correa,  i.  125,  calls  him  "  judeo  granadi  .  .  .  este 
judeo  na  tomada  de  Granada  sendo  homem  mancebo  desterrado  ;  " 
this  does  not  agree,  however,  with  the  Jew's  own  statement  that 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Portuguese  in  Goa,  in  1498,  he  had  spent 
forty  years  in  prison.  His  name  is  unknown. 


GASPAR   DA    GAMA.  n$ 

Portuguese  gave  him,  he  went  on  board  one  of 
their  vessels.  He  was  received  with  tokens  of 
respect,  and  the  sailors  listened  with  pleasure 
to  his  reminiscences.  His  desire  to  prolong  the 
conference  led  Vasco  da  Gama  to  suspect  that  he 
was  a  spy.  On  a  signal  from  the  commander,  the 
Jew,  much  to  his  surprise,  was  suddenly  seized,  and 
bound  hand  and  foot.  After  being  disrobed,  he 
was  unmercifully  flogged  by  two  menials  of  the 
ship.  Da  Gama  swore  by  the  life  of  his  king  that 
he  would  have  him  flogged  until  he  should  confess 
the  whole  truth.  To  escape  the  torments  of  tor 
ture  he  finally  went  over  to  the  Portuguese,  and  in 
order  to  save  his  life  he  promised  to  allow  himself 
to  be  baptized.  He  was  named  Gaspar  da  Gama 
after  the  admiral,  who  acted  as  his  godfather. 

The  Jewish  manner  Gaspar,  or  as  he  is  some 
times  called  Gaspar  de  las  Indias,  was  taken  to 
Lisbon  by  Vasco  da  Gama.  King  Manuel,  who 
was  much  pleased  with  the  newcomer  and  liked 
to  converse  with  him,  gave  him  rich  presents  of 
clothing,  horses,  and  servants,  and  also  granted 
him  a  charter  of  privileges.*  As  Peschel  truly 
affirms,f  Gaspar  rendered  inestimable  services  to 
Vasco  da  Gama  and  to  several  later  commanders 
of  the  Portuguese  fleet.  He  was  a  mariner  of 

*  Correa,  Lendas  da  India,  i.  192. 

f  Peschel,  Geschichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckungen,  575. 


Il6  CASPAR  DA    GAM  A. 

experience,  well  versed  in  languages  and  fully 
informed  in  all  matters  relating  to  India.  * 

In  the  year  1500  he  accompanied  Pedro  Alvarez 
Cabral  on  his  expedition  to  the  East.  This  he 
did  at  the  express  desire  of  the  king,  who  in 
structed  Cabral  to  confer  with  Caspar  on  all  im 
portant  matters.  Cabral  employed  him  chiefly 
as  interpreter.  Splendidly  attired  Caspar  nego 
tiated  with  the  King  of  Melinde,  whose  acquaint 
ance  he  had  already  made  when  he  was  in  the 
employ  of  Sabayo.  By  assuming  the  Moorish 
dress  as  a  disguise  and  by  pretending  to  pray  like 
a  Moslem,  he  discovered  a  rebellious  plot  of  the 
natives  of  Calicut  to  massacre  the  Portuguese.! 

From  Calicut  Cabral  sailed  southward  to  Co 
chin.  Caspar  had  advised  him  to  do  this.  The 
Jew  had  expressed  the  opinion  that,  with  favorable 
winds,  Cochin  could  be  reached  in  a  single  day. 
He  had  also  informed  the  admiral  that  a  better 
harbor  and  much  more  pepper  and  other  spices 
would  be  found  there  than  in  Calicut. ;f 

At  Cape  Verd,  on  his  homeward  voyage, 
Cabral  met  the  ships  which  had  been  sent  from 

*  He  also  wrote  an  account  of  the  scientific  observations  which 
he  had  made  during  his  travels.  Paesi  novani,  retrovati  [Venice, 
1507],  cap.  61. 

f  Correa,  Lendas  da  India,  i.   163,  199. 

\lbid.t  i.  209  sq.  According  to  Correa,  it  was  by  following 
Caspar's  advice  that  Cabral  discovered  the  coast  of  Brazil. 


CASPAR  DA    GAM  A.  \\>j 

Portugal  expressly  to  discover  Brazil.  Amerigo 
Vespucci,  who  was  on  this  fleet,  hastened  to 
profit  by  the  knowledge  and  experience  of  Caspar 
da  Gama,  the  best-informed  man  among  Cabral's 
followers.  Caspar  gave  him  the  desired  infor 
mation  concerning  the  situation  and  condition, 
the  wealth  and  commerce,  of  the  distant  lands 
which  Vespucci  intended  to  visit.  The  latter, 
it  may  be  incidentally  observed,  never  men 
tions  Columbus  and  his  discoveries  ;  he  ignores 
him  as  if  he  had  never  existed.  But  he  speaks  of 
Caspar  in  terms  of  high  praise.  In  one  of  his 
letters  Vespucci  refers  to  him  as  "  a  trustworthy 
man  who  speaks  many  languages  and  knows  the 
names  of  many  cities  and  provinces,  who  made  two 
voyages  from  Portugal  to  the  Indian  Ocean,  and 
journeyed  from  Cairo  to  Malacca,  a  province  on 
the  coast  of  that  ocean.  He  also  visited  the 
island  of  Sumatra,  and  he  told  me  that  he  knew  of 
a  great  kingdom  in  the  interior  of  India  which  was 
rich  in  gold,  pearls,  and  other  precious  stones."* 

*  "  .  .  .  .  uno  uomo  degno  di  fede,  che  si  chiamava  Guaspare, 
che  avea  corso  dal  Cairo  fino  a  una  provincia  che  si  domanda 
Malacca  la  quale  sta  situata  alia  costa  del  mare  Indico  .  .  .  il 
detto  Guaspare,  el  quale  sapeva  di  molte  lingue,  e  il  nome  di 
molte  provincie  e  citta.  Como  dico  e  uomo  molto  altentico  perche 
ha  fatto  due  fiate  el  viaggio  di  Portogallo  al  mare  Indico."  F.  A. 
de  Varnhagen,  Amerigo  Vespucci ;  son  caractere,  ses  ecrits,  sa  vie 
[Lima,  1865]  ;  Humboldt,  Examcn  critique  de  rhistoire  de  la 
geographic,  v.  82. 


Il8  CASPAR  DA    GAM  A. 

In  the  year  1502  Caspar  made  another  voyage 
to  India  with  a  fleet  which  was  commanded  by 
Vasco  da  Gama.  He  negotiated  with  the  King  of 
Quiloa,  who  was  known  to  be  cunning  and  artful. 
In  Cochin,  a  few  days  later,  he  again  found  his 
wife.  This  woman,  who  was  noted  for  her  learn 
ing,  had  withstood  all  inducements  to  abandon 
Judaism.*  When  the  first  Viceroy  of  India,  Fran 
cisco  d'Almeida,  went  to  take  possession  of  his 
post  in  1505,  he  was  accompanied  by  Caspar  and, 
among  others,  by  the  son  of  Dr.  Martin  Pinheiro, 
the  judge  of  the  supreme  court  in  Lisbon. 
Young  Pinheiro  carried  with  him  a  trunk  entirely 
filled  with  Torah  rolls,  which  had  belonged  to 
the  recently  destroyed  synagogues  of  Portugal. 
He  intended  to  sell  them  in  Cochin,  where  there 
were  many  Jews  and  synagogues. f  Caspar's  wife 
negotiated  the  sale  ;  for  thirteen  Torah  rolls  Pin 
heiro  obtained  four  thousand  pardaos.  When 
the  viceroy  heard  of  this  transaction,  he  re 
proached  Pinheiro  in  violent  language,  and  then, 

*  "Caspar  .  .  .  que  em  Cochym  tinha  huma  judia,  que  fora 
sua  molher,  que  elle  nom  pode  fazer  que  se  tornasse  Christi! 
Esta  judia  era  grande  letrada  na  ley."  Correa,  Lendas  da  India, 
i.  656. 

f  In  1504,  when  Isaac  Abravanel  wrote  his  commentaries  on 
the  Book  of  Jeremiah,  he  saw  a  letter,  written  by  Portuguese  mer 
chants  who  came  from  India  with  spices.  In  this  letter  they 
stated  that  they  had  met  many  Jews  in  that  land.  Abravanel, 
Commentaries  on  Jeremiah,  cap.  3. 


ALBUQUERQUE  AND  HUCEFE.  119 

after  confiscating  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  for  the 
state  treasury,  he  immediately  sent  an  account  of 
the  whole  affair  to  Lisbon.* 

Caspar  returned  to  Lisbon  with  Vasco  da 
Gama  in  1503.  King  Manuel,  who  still  held 
him  in  high  esteem,  conferred  upon  him  the 
rank  of  cavalleiro  de  sua  casa  in  recognition  of 
his  services. 

In  a  relation  similar  to  that  which  Caspar  bore 
to  Vasco  da  Gama,  another  Jew  stood  to  Affonso 
d'Albuquerque,  commander  of  the  Portuguese 
fleet  and  governor  of  India.  In  1510,  when  Diogo 
Mendes  de  Vascogoncellos  was  sent  by  the  King  of 
Portugual  to  help  the  hard-pressed  Albuquerque 
reconquer  Goa,  he  met  a  ship  on  which  were  two 
very  rich  Castilian  Jews.  Their  destination  was 
Cananor,  and  there  Albuquerque  became  ac 
quainted  with  them.  In  answer  to  his  questions, 
they  gave  him  detailed  information  concerning  the 
kingdom  of  Prester  John  (who,  they  said,  had  a 
Jewish  admiral  in  his  service),  and  concerning  the 
Arabian  Gulf,  the  commerce  of  those  regions,  and 
various  other  matters.  Albuquerque  gave  the 
two  Spanish  Jews  many  tokens  of  his  esteem,  and 
induced  them  to  abandon  Judaism,  at  least  for  a 
short  time.  One  of  them  called  himself  Francisco 
d'Albuquerque,  after  his  patron,  whom  he  loyally 
*  Correa,  Lendas  da  India,  i.  656  sq.,  goo- 


fat  if* - 
r 


120  ALBUQUERQUE  AND  HUCEFE. 

served  as  interpreter.*  The  other,  whose  real 
name  was  Cufo  or  Hucefe  but  who  called  himself 
Alexander  d'Atayde,  was  a  very  experienced  and 
trustworthy  man,  who  knew  many  languages, f 
and  hence  Albuquerque  appointed  him  his 
secretary.  He  became  Albuquerque's  adviser, 
his  constant  companion,  and  most  intimate  friend  ; 
and  at  the  surrender  of  the  stronghold  of  Ormuz 
he  rendered  his  employer  important  services. 
He  enjoyed  the  admiral's  complete  confidence  ; 
and  when  the  latter,  slandered  by  his  enemies 
and  discredited  by  his  sovereign,  died  in  Goa 
broken-hearted,  Hucefe  at  King  Manuel's  request 
made  a  journey  to  Lisbon.  He  succeeded  in  giv 
ing  the  king  a  better  opinion  of  the  great  hero 
and  statesman  who  had  been  calumniated  at  the 
royal  court. 

In  Lisbon  Hucefe  was  in  danger  of  being 
robbed  of  his  property,  which  he  always  carried 
with  him  in  the  form  of  gold  and  precious  stones ; 

*  Albuquerque  employed  as  interpreters  other  Jews  who  had 
been  expelled  from  the  Iberian  Peninsula,  for  example,  a  certain 
Samuel  of  Cairo.  Barros,  Asia,  dec.  2,  lib.  7,  cap.  8. 

f  ".  .  .  .  homem  de  muyta  verdade  e  que  sabia  muytas  lingoas, 
e  muy  sabido  em  todolas  cousas,  e  muy  verdadeiro,  com  que  era 
muyto  do  conselho  do  Governador  ;  "  Correa,  Lendas  da  India,  ii. 
134.  "  Hucefe  .  .  .  homem  em  que  tinha  muyta  confiai^a,  que 
era  homem  de  muyto  saber  em  todolas  lingoas  e  nas  cousas  dos 
Mouros,  e  homem  de  muyto  verdade,  com  que  o  Governador  se 
muyto  aconselhaue  ;"  Ibid.,  ii.  177. 


ALBUQUERQUE  AND  HUCEFE.  I2i 

but  he  found  shelter  in  the  house  of  Garcia 
de  Noronha,  Albuquerque's  nephew,  whose  ac 
quaintance  he  had  made  in  India.  Garcia  received 
him  hospitably  and  manifested  his  esteem  for  him 
in  the  presence  of  the  nobility  of  Lisbon.  He  soon 
left  Lisbon  and  started  on  his  voyage  back  to 
India.  He  proceeded  to  Cairo,  where  he  again 
openly  professed  Judaism.* 

*  Correa,  ii.  135.  "  E  raorto  Affonso  Dalboquerque  vieram  se 
pera  Portugal  em  tempo  del  Rey  D.  Manuel,  e  daqui  tornaram 
a  India  e  da  India  se  foram  ao  Cairo  e  se  tornaram  Judeos  ;  " 
Commentaries  do  grande  Affonso  Dalboquerque  [Lisbon,  1777], 
pp.  269  sq.  According  to  Correa,  ii.  177,  Francisco  d' Albuquerque 
died  in  Goa,  leaving  a  family  of  several  sons. 

In  1528,  when  Lopo  Vaz  de  Sampayo  was  governor  of  India, 
the  Turks  sent  a  fleet  to  help  the  King  of  Calicut  ;  its  commander 
was  called  ' '  the  great  Jew  "  (o  grSJudeu).  This  Jew  with  his  fleet 
also  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  Khair-ed-din  Barbarossa,  when 
the  latter  was  attacked  by  the  admiral  Andreas  Doria.  Docu- 
mentos  remittidos  da  India,  publ.  da  Academia  real  das  sciencias 
de  Lisboa,  p.  R.  Ant.  de  Bulhao  Pato  [Lisbon,  1880],  Hi.  274. 

"As  to  Coron,  it  was  reported  at  Rome  a  few  days  ago  that 
Andrea  Doria  was  informed  that  the  famous  Jewish  pirate  had 
prepared  a  strong  fleet  to  meet  the  Spanish  galleys  which  are  to 
join  Donas'  nineteen."  Letters  and  Papers  of  the  Reign  of  Henry 
VIII.,  vi.  427. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

COLUMBUS'S  DOWNFALL — ROYAL  FAVORS  GRANTED  TO  Luis 
DE  SANTANGEL — DEATH  OF  SANTANGEL  AND  OF  GABRIEL 
SANCHEZ  ;  THEIR  DESCENDANTS  —  EARLIEST  SETTLEMENTS 
OF  MARRANOS  IN  ESPANOLA  AND  IN  THE  PORTUGUESE  COL 
ONIES — THE  INQUISITION  AND  ITS  VICTIMS  IN  THE  COLONIES. 

THE  reception  which  Columbus  met  with  on 
his  return  to  Spain  after  his  second  voyage  was 
very  different  from  that  which  had  been  accorded 
him  in  Barcelona  three  years  earlier.  The  con 
stant  complaints  concerning  his  avarice,  arro 
gance,  and  cruelty  had  shattered  his  reputation. 
Queen  Isabella,  who  ruthlessly  ordered  Jews  and 
Moors  to  be  burned,  had  instructed  him  to  be 
kind  and  indulgent  toward  the  Indians.  But  he 
treated  the  natives  cruelly ;  he  harassed  them  with 
fire  and  sword.  By  his  domineering  conduct  he 
also  aroused  the  enmity  of  Juan  Rodriguez  de 
Fonseca,  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chapter,  who 
afterwards  became  Bishop  of  Plasencia.  In  an 
outburst  of  anger  he  kicked  and  violently  assailed 
the  Marrano  Ximeno  of  Briviesca,  Fonseca's  ac 
countant.  Hence  Fonseca  became  the  explorer's 
greatest  enemy.  By  his  arrogant  and  heartless 
conduct  he  also  aroused  the  enmity  of  the  ship- 


FAVORS  GRANTED    TO   SANTANGEL.        123 

physician,  the  Marrano  Maestre  Bernal.  The  con 
spiracy  of  Porras  in  Jamaica  fomented  by  Bernal 
and  by  a  certain  Camacho  seriously  affected  the 
admiral's  destiny.*  Until  his  death,  which  took 
place  on  May  20,  1506,  in  Valladolid,  the  discov 
erer  of  the  New  World  had  to  endure  considerable 
ill-fortune.  While  in  this  distressing  situation,  he 
frequently  asked  his  old  patron  Gabriel  Sanchez 
to  intercede  with  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  in  his 
behalf ;  he  also  turned  frequently  for  help  to  Luis 
de  Santangel,  who  had  been  his  ardent  supporter 
in  the  past.f 

Owing  to  Santangel's  unselfishness  Ferdinand 
always  remained  his  loyal  friend,  and  bestowed 
upon  him  many  distinguished  tokens  of  gratitude, 
for  his  great  services  to  the  crown  and  state.  It 
was  out  of  regard  for  Santangel  that  equal  rights 
were  granted  to  the  Aragonese  and  Castilians  in 
the  New  World.;}:  From  his  marriage  with  Juana, 
who  belonged  to  the  distinguished  and  widely- 
ramified  Marrano  family  of  De  la  Caballeria, 
Santangel  had  several  sons  and  one  daughter, 
Luisa.  In  the  spring  of  1493  Luisa  married 
Angel  de  Villanueva,  who  was  afterwards  ap- 

*  Navarrete,  Colecdon  de  los  Viages,  i.  348. 
f /«</.,  i.  335-  f 

\  Cesareo  Fernandez  Duro,  Tradidoncs  infundadas  [Madrid, 
1888]. 


124       FAVORS  GRANTED    TO   SANTANGEL. 

pointed  governor  of  the  county  of  Cerdefla.*  The 
king  gave  her  a  wedding  present  of  thirty  thou 
sand  sueldos,  "  in  recognition  of  the  many  ser 
vices  which  her  father,  the  well-beloved  council 
lor  and  escribano  de  radon  of  his  household,  had 
rendered  and  was  still  rendering  him."f  Envy 
on  account  of  this  mark  of  distinction  disturbed 
the  treasurer  Gabriel  Sanchez.  He  intimated  to 
the  king  that  his  services  to  the  crown  and  to 
the  state  were  as  great  as  Santangel's.  Hence 
his  son  Pedro,  on  his  marriage  with  Maria  del 
Jjar,  also  received  thirty  thousand  sueldos  as  a 
wedding  gift4 

The  highest  mark  of  distinction  accorded  to 
Luis  de  Santangel,  "  in  reward  of  the  many  great 
and  notable  services  which  he  had  rendered  the 
king  with  untiring  zeal  and  with  great  promptness 
and  solicitude,"  was  a  grant  made  by  Ferdinand 
on  May  30,  1497.  This  grant  exempted  him  as 
well  as  his  sons  Fernando,  Geronimo,  and  Alfonso, 
and  his  daughter  Luisa,  together  with  their  chil 
dren  and  heirs,  from  every  charge  of  apostasy. 
In  this  document  the  crown  also  granted  them 
the  absolute  possession  of  all  personal  and  real 

*  He  was  a  nephew  of  Moses  Pazagon  of  Calatayud. 
\  See  Appendix  v. 

\  The  document  is  dated  Torre  Villas,  May  10,  1494.  Arch,  de 
la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3616,  fol.  215. 


DEATH  OF  SANTANGEL  AND   SANCHEZ.      12$ 

property  which  should  fall  to  them,  to  their  chil 
dren,  or  to  their  heirs  during  their  life-time  or  after 
their  death,  and  which  might  be  confiscated  by 
the  Church  or  the  state  on  the  ground  of  any 
accusation  of  apostasy.  Finally,  the  servants  of 
the  Inquisition  in  Valencia  and  elsewhere  were 
admonished,  on  pain  of  paying  a  large  fine,  not  to 
molest  them,  their  children,  or  their  descend 
ants.* 

Luis  de  Santangel  and  Gabriel  Sanchez  died  one 
year  earlier  than  Columbus.  After  the  demise  of 
Sanchez,  which  occurred  on  September  15,  1505, 
the  office  of  treasurer  passed  to  his  son  Luis,  who 
held  it  till  his  death  on  December  4,  1530.  On 
January  30,  1506,  Ferdinand  appointed  as  Luis  de 
Santangel's  successors  his  son  Fernando  and  his 
kinsman  Jaime  de  Santangel ;  each  was  to  have  a 
salary  of  8,000  sueldos  and  the  customary  perqui 
sites.  The  appointments  were  confirmed  on  July 
24,  I5i2.f  Soon  after  the  king's  death,  however, 
Fernando  was  deprived  of  his  office,  and  Pedro 
Celdran  was  appointed  escribano  de  radon.  Hence 
Fernando  felt  constrained  to  defend  his  rights  be 
fore  the  Justitia,  the  supreme  court  of  Aragon.J 

*  See  Appendix  vi.  f  See  Appendix  vii. 

Jin  1506  he  had  received  3,600  sueldos  for  special  services 
rendered  to  the  crown.  The  document,  dated  Salamanca,  January 
8,  1506,  is  in  Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3555,  fol.  123. 


126  SANTANGEL' S  DESCENDANTS. 

At  that  time  the  jurist  Luis  de  Santangel,  who 
had  been  appointed  deputy  of  the  Zalmedina 
for  the  year  1492,  with  all  the  honors  and  rights 
attached  to  that  position,  was  deputy  of  the 
Justitia  of  Aragon,*  and  Salvador  de  Sant 
angel  of  Saragossa  was  councillor,  f  In  1517 
the  Aragonese  tribunal  decided  in  favor  of  Fer- 
nando.J  With  Miguel  Luis  de  Santangel,  who 
in  1586  was  a  distinguished  teacher  of  law  and 
an  alderman  of  Saragossa,  the  Santangels  dis 
appear  from  the  history  of  Spain.  That  country 
will  always  cherish  and  honor  the  memory  of 
Luis  de  Santangel,  the  pride  of  that  family 
and  the  prominent  promoter  of  the  discovery 
of  America. 

From  the  outset  Columbus  gave  the  newly  dis 
covered  lands  a  decidedly  religious  or  ecclesiastical 
coloring.  They  had  been  discovered  for  the  glory 
of  Christianity  and  for  the  propagation  of  Catholi 
cism,  and  hence  he  desired  that  they  should  be 
inhabited  exclusively  by  Catholics.  Moors  and 

*See  the  document,  dated  Granada,  November  26,  1491,  in 
Appendix  iv.  "...  Micer  Luis  de  Santangel,  lugarteniente  del 
Justicia  de  Aragon  ;  "  Libra  de  Actos  de  Zaragoza. 

f  Libra  de  Actos  de  Zaragoza. 

\  "  Sentencia  a  favor  de  Fernando  de  Santangel  escribano  de 
racion  cujo  oficio  le  disputada  Pedro  Celdran,  anno  1517."  Arch. 
de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3880,  fol.  36. 


MARRANOS  IN  ESPANOLA. 

Jews  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  settle  there  ;  even 
the  Marranos,  including  those  who  had  been  per 
secuted  and  punished  by  the  Inquisition,  were 
prohibited  from  migrating  to  the  New  World* 
Nevertheless,  the  first  person  who  obtained  the 
king's  permission  to  carry  on  trade  with  the  newly 
discovered  lands  was  Juan  Sanchez  of  Saragossa, 
a  secret  Jew,  whose  father's  loyalty  to  his  ances 
tral  faith  had  cost  him  his  life.  He  lived  in 
Seville,  and  was  a  nephew  of  the  treasurer  Ga 
briel  Sanchez  ;  hence  he  was  also  frequently  called 
"Juan  Sanchez  de  la  Tesoreria"  In  the  year 
1502  he  received  permission  from  Isabella  to 
take  five  caravels  loaded  with  wheat,  barley, 
horses,  and  other  wares  to  Espaftola  without  pay 
ing  duty.*  Two  years  later,  on  November  17, 
1504,  when  the  queen  was  very  ill  in  Medina 
del  Campo,  Ferdinand  allowed  him  to  export 
merchandise  and  other  articles  to  Espaflola, 
and  to  sell  or  exchange  them  for  the  products 
of  that  land.  This  favor  was  granted  in  return 
for  certain  "  good  services "  which  he  had 
rendered  the  crown,  and  with  the  understand- 

*  "  Capitulacion  con  Juan  Sanchez  de  la  Tesor1  por  la  Ra  en 
Toledo,  12  Setembro,  1502  :  Tesora  podra  llevar  5  carav03  con 
300  cab.  de  trigo  e  100  de  cevada,  6  cavallos  .  .  .  e  mercaderias. 
Todo  lo  sacaron  libra  de  derechos."  Coleccion  Munoz  (Biblioteca 
de  la  real  Academia  de  la  His  tor  ia  en  Madrid},  vol.  75,  fol. 
143- 


128  MARRANOS  IN  ESPANOLA. 

ing   that 'such  services  were  to  continue  in  the 
future.* 

In  spite  of  the  stringent  laws  prohibiting  emi 
gration,  large  numbers  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
fugitives  from  the  infernal  flames  of  the  autos-de-fe 
— nobles,  men  of  learning,  physicians,  and  pros 
perous  merchants — soon  settled  in  Espafiola  and 
on  the  other  islands  of  the  Indies.  They  tilled 
the  soil,  carried  on  trade,  promoted  industry,f 
and  filled  public  offices.  Hence  already  in  1511 
Queen  Juana  of  Spain  was  obliged  to  adopt 
measures  against  the  secret  Jews,  "  the  sons  and 
grandsons  of  the  burned,"  who  held  public  offices. 
Every  secret  Jew  who,  without  the  permission  of 
the  crown,  was  in  possession  of  such  an  office, 
was  to  lose  it,  and  was,  furthermore,  to  be  punished 
with  the  confiscation  of  his  property.^  This 


*  "  El  Rey.  For  hacer  bien  e  merced  a  vos  Juan  Sanchez  de 
la  Tesoreria,  estante  en  la  ciudad  de  Sevilla,  natural  de  la  ciudad 
de  Zaragoza,  natural  del  reino  de  Aragon,  acatando  algunos 
buenos  servicios  que  me  habeis  fecho,  e  espero  que  me  fareis 
de  aqui  adelante,  por  la  presente  vos  doy  licencia  para  que  podais 
llevar  a  la  isla  Espanola  ques  en  el  mar  oceano  las  mercaderias 
e  otras  cosas  ..."  Navarrete,  Colecdon  de  los  Viages,  iii.  525; 
Navarrete,  Colecdon  de  Opuscules  [Madrid,  1848],  i.  106. 

f  Jews  expelled  from  Portugal  first  introduced  the  cultivation 
of  sugar  from  the  island  of  Madeira  into  America.  Antonio  de 
Capmany  y  de  Montpalan,  Memories  historicas  sobre  la  marina, 
comercio  y  artes  de  Barcelona  [Madrid,  1779],  ii.  43- 

\  The  decree  is  dated,  October  5,  1511  ;  see  Appendix  xviii. 


THE  INQUISITION  IN   THE    COLONIES.      129 

decree  also  introduced  the  Spanish  Inquisition 
into  the  newly  discovered  lands,  and  full  scope 
was  given  to  its  nefarious  activity.  One  of  the 
first  victims  of  the  Holy  Office  in  Espaftola  was 
Diego  Caballero  of  Barrameda,  whose  mother  and 
father  (Juan  Caballero),  according  to  the  state 
ment  of  two  witnesses,  had  been  persecuted  and 
condemned  by  the  Inquisition  in  Spain.* 

Many  secret  Jews  from  Spain  and  Portugal 
also  soon  settled  in  the  Portuguese  Indies,  espe 
cially  in  Brazil.  They  were  scattered  along  the 
whole  coast  of  the  Portuguese  colonies,  and 
carried  on  an  extensive  trade  in  precious  stones 
with  Venice,  Turkey,  and  other  countries. f  As 
soon  as  they  felt  secure,  they  threw  off  the  mask 
of  dissimulation  and  openly  professed  Judaism. 
Hence  it  is  not  strange  that,  as  in  the  mother- 
country — in  Lisbon,  Evora,  and  Coimbra — so  also 
in  Goa,  the  metropolis  of  the  Portuguese  dominion 
in  India,  the  Inquisition  was  established,  with 
jurisdiction  over  the  Portuguese  possessions  in 
Asia  and  Africa  as  far  as  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 

To  prevent  the  emigration  of  Marranos  to  the 
Indies,  the  king,  or  rather  the  regent,  Cardinal 

*  Coleccion  de  Documentos  intditos  rel.  al  descubrimiento^  con- 
quista  y  organization  de  las  antiguas  posesiones  espanoles.  Segun- 
da  seria  [Madrid,  1885],  i.  422. 

\  Documentos  remittidos  da  India,  iii.  495. 

9 


130     THE  INQUISITION  IN   THE   COLONIES. 

Enrique,  issued  an  edict  on  June  30,  1567,  which 
stringently  prohibited  them  from  leaving  Portugal 
without  the  special  permission  of  the  crown ;  any 
Marrano,  however,  could  leave  the  kingdom  pro 
vided  he  found  a  surety  for  at  least  five  hundred 
cruzados,  which  were  to  be  forfeited  to  the  state 
if  he  did  not  return  within  a  year.  As  this  law 
did  not  prevent  the  secret  Jews  from  migrating 
to  the  Indies  to  escape  the  oppressions  of  the 
Holy  Office,  a  similar  but  more  stringent  edict  of 
March  15,  1568,  decreed  that  persons  infringing 
this  enactment  should  lose  all  their  property ;  one- 
half  was  to  be  given  to  the  informer,  the  other 
half  to  the  state  treasury.*  Captains  of  ships 
received  strict  orders  to  imprison  all  Marranos 
found  on  any  vessel  sailing  to  the  Indies,  and  to 
deliver  them  to  the  governor-general. f  Not  until 
the  Jews  and  Marranos  in  the  colonies  offered  to 
pay  the  state  the  enormous  sum  of  1,700,000  cru 
zados,  was  the  prohibition  to  migrate  rescinded 
by  the  law  of  May  21,  1577.  This  law  allowed 
them  freedom  of  residence  and  of  trade;  in  the 
future,  no  one  was  to  call  them  Jews,  New  Chris 
tians,  or  Marranos.  J 

*  The  law  of  March  15,  1568,  is  printed  in  Documentos  remit- 
tidos,  iii.  510  sq. 

f  Ibid.,  ii.  215  sq. 

\  Porto  Seguro  (F.  A.  de  Varnhagen),  Historic,  geral  de  Brasil, 
2d  edition  [Rio  de  Janeiro,  n.d.],  412. 


THE  INQUISITION  IN   THE   COLONIES.      131 

Notwithstanding  the  great  sums  of  money  which 
they  paid  for  the  right  to  reside  in  the  colonies, 
the  persecutions  of  the  Inquisition  continued,  and 
hence  the  Jews  in  the  Indies  soon  became  a  source 
of  serious  embarrassment  to  the  Portuguese  gov 
ernment.  They  made  common  cause  with  the 
Dutch,  who  were  at  that  time  fighting  for  freedom, 
and  they  gave  them  financial  and  other  assistance. 
In  their  zealous  love  of  freedom  they  even  equipped 
ships  expressly  for  the  Dutch.  A  letter  of  King 
Philip  II.  to  Martin  Affonso  de  Castro,  Viceroy 
of  the  Indies,  states  that  two  New  Christians  in 
Columbo  were  in  active  correspondence  with  the 
Dutch,  and  that  four  or  five  in  Malacca  were 
giving  the  latter  definite  information  concerning 
the  military  plans  of  the  Portuguese.  The  Mar- 
ranos  of  the  Indies  sent  considerable  supplies  to 
the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  Jews  in  Hamburg  and 
Aleppo,  who,  in  turn,  forwarded  them  to  Holland 
and  Zealand.* 

*  "...  .os  Christaos-Novos  de  Portugal  e  Hispanha 
ajudavan  a  D.  Manuel  para  armar  alguns  navios  de  guerra  junto 
com  os  dos  mercadores  que  por  todos  fizessen  copia  de  trinta  velas, 
e  n'ellas  irD.  Manuel  para  que  mandavan  dinheiro  a  Hamburgo  e 
Alepo,  e  d'ahi  se  passava  a  Holanda  e  Gelanda,  e  que  os  Christiifos- 
Novos  d'esse  Estado  entravam  tamben  na  dita  liga,  e  que  em  Co 
lumbo  havia  dous  que  se  carteavam  com  os  Hollandeses,  e  em  Ma- 
laca  havia  quatro  ou  cinco  que  os  avisavam  pelos  1110905  que  jam 
aos  portos  onde  elles  estavam  por  cuja  via  havia  d'ahi  muita  cor- 
respondencia  con  ellas."  Documentos  remittidos,  i.  106. 


132     THE  INQUISITION  IN   THE   COLONIES. 

As  soon  as  the  Portuguese  government  heard  of 
these  transactions,  the  Viceroy  of  the  Indies  was 
ordered  to  adopt  stringent  measures  against  the 
New  Christians  who  were  thus  allied  with  the 
Dutch.  The  law  of  March  15,  1568,  was  renewed, 
and  the  captains  of  ships  received  peremptory  in 
structions  to  confiscate  for  the  state  treasury  all  the 
property  of  New  Christians  who  should  be  found 
on  their  vessels,  and  to  send  them  back  to  Portu 
gal.  If  no  ship  happened  to  be  ready  to  return 
to  Portugal,  these  New  Christians  were  to  be 
carried  to  Goa,  and  were  there  to  be  retained 
in  prison  by  the  Inquisition  until  some  ship  set 
sail  for  the  mother-country.  The  Inquisition  was 
to  deal  in  a  similar  manner  with  the  Jews  and 
New  Christians  who  had  already  settled  in  the 
colonies  ;  a  number  of  them  were  to  be  sent  back 
annually  to  Portugal,  and  thus  the  Indies  were 
gradually  to  be  purged.* 

After  the  death  of  Cardinal  Enrique  in  1580, 
Philip  II.  of  Spain,  in  his  greed  for  new  acquisi 
tions  of  territory,  also  brought  Portugal  under  his 
sway.  Not  merely  was  Portugal  added  to  Spain, 
but  the  Eastern  Indies  were  also  united  to  the 
Western  Indies ;  Asia  as  well  as  America  fell 
under  Philip  II. 's  dominion.  Spain  was  now  at 
the  zenith  of  her  power. 

*  Doc.  remittidos,  ii.  195  sq.,  iii.  7. 


THE  INQUISITION  IN    THE   COLONIES.     133 

Philip  II.  was  the  son  of  a  daughter  of  the 
Portuguese  king,  Dom  Manuel,  and  he  was  a 
grandson  of  that  handsome  Philip  whose  infidelity 
caused  the  insanity  of  his  wife  Juana,  a  daughter 
of  Isabella  the  Catholic.  Under  this  melancholy, 
tyrannical  monarch  the  Inquisition  renewed  its 
nefarious  activity  in  America.  Tribunals  of  the 
Holy  Office  were  established  in  Peru  and  Lima, 
and  Jews  and  Marranos  were  consigned  to  the 
flames. 

Among  the  first  victims  of  the  Inquisition  in 
Lima  was  the  physician  Juan  Alvarez  of  Zafra  ;  he 
was  publicly  burned  as  an  adherent  of  Judaism, 
together  with  his  wife  and  children  and  his 
nephew  Alonso  Alvarez.  A  few  years  later 
Manuel  Lopez  of  Yelves  in  Portugal,  also  called 
Luis  Coronado,  met  the  same  fate.  He  frankly 
confessed  that  he  was  a  Jew,  and  he  made  no 
attempt  to  conceal  the  fact  that  he  and  his  co 
religionists  had  observed  the  Mosaic  law  and 
had  held  religious  services  in  his  house.  Duarte 
Nunez  de  Cea,  a  merchant  forty-one  years  of  age, 
also  died  for  his  religion.  Before  ascending  the 
funeral  pyre  he  confessed  that  as  a  Jew  he  had 
lived,  observing  the  precepts  of  Judaism,  and  that 
it  was  his  simple  wish  to  die  a  Jew,  as  his 
ancestors  had  done.  His  example  of  religious 
loyalty  was  followed  by  the  learned  physician 


134     THE  INQUISITION  IN   THE   COLONIES. 

Alvaro  Nufiez  of  Braganza,  who  lived  in  La 
Plata,  and  by  Diego  Nufiez  de  Silva  and  Diego 
Rodriguez  de  Silveyra  of  Peru.  New-comers 
from  Portugal  were  persecuted  with  particular 
rigor.  On  one  day  fourteen  such  immigrants 
were  arrested  at  the  king's  command,  and  their 
property  was  confiscated.*  In  the  case  of  King 
Philip  and  his  successors  on  the  Spanish  throne — 
as  in  the  case  of  their  ancestors  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella — fanaticism  had  its  root  in  the  material 
interests  of  the  state. 

In  spite  of  such  persecutions  thousands  of 
secret  Jews  fled,  during  the  sixteenth  and  seven 
teenth  centuries,  from  the  Iberian  Peninsula  to 
the  Indies,  and  especially  to  America — to  the 
New  World,  which  was  not  merely  a  land  rich 
in  gold  and  silver  mines,  but  also  the  land  where 
the  light  of  freedom  first  shone  upon  the  adher 
ents  of  Judaism. 

*J.  T.  Medina,  Historia  del  Tribunal  del  S.  Oficio  de  la 
Inqiiisicion  de  Lima  [Santiago,  1887]. 


APPENDIX, 
i. 

FERDINAND  I.  OF  ARAGON  GRANTS  PRIVILEGES  TO  THE 
SANTANGELS  (1415.) 

[Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,*  Reg.  2391,  fol.  28.] 

FERDINANDUS  .  .  .  Delectis  et  fidelibus  universis  et 
singulis  officialibus  nostris  presentibus  et  futuris  vel  eorum 
locumtenentibus  ad  quos  infrascripta  pertinere  noscantur 
salutem  et  deleccionem. 

Cum  Magister  Alfonsus  de  Santangel,  Johannes  Martinus 
de  Santangel,  Petrus  Martinus  de  Santangel,  vicini  ciuitatis 
Daroce,  judaycis  cecitatibus  postergatis  obumbrati  spiritus 
sancti  gracia  ad  Catholice  fidei  claritatem  et  cultum  de 
proximo  sint  conversi  ideo  nostris  mereantur  precipue 
rationalibus  adque  justis  fauoribusconfoueri  nee  sic  justicia 
prout  ante  caligine  ofuscatos  judayca  pertractari  vobis  et 
unicumque  vestrum  dicimus  et  mandamus  de  nostri  certa 
sciencia  quatenus  non  obstantibus  quibusuis  elongamentis 
sub  quacumque  forma  concessis  que  huic  possent  quomodo- 
libet  obuiare  in  bonis  eorum  aut  cujusuis  ipsorum  qui  in 
dictistam  nominibus  propriis  quam  donacionem  per  Xpianos 
vel  Judeos  sibi  factarum  obnoxii  et  obligati  extiterint  juxta 
formam  contractuum  seu  instrumentorum  super  debitis 
censualibus  seu  commandis  inde  factorum  seu  firmatorum 
pro  omnibus  et  singulis  dictis  debitis  censualibus  et  com 
mandis  prout  sua  debita  justicia  usuris  tamen  inde  debitis 
seu  percipiendis  exceptis  quo  ad  quos  volumus  elongamenta 
ipsa  in  suis  viribus  permanere  excepcionem  promptam  et 

*  In  Barcelona. 


0'f 


136  APPENDIX. 

rigidam  faciatis  quibusuis  excepcione,  consultacione,  dela- 
cione  et  dubio  friuolis  ultrajectis  :  hocque  non  mutetis  seu 
etiam  differatis  aliqua  racione  cum  nos  justicie  mediant  seu 
fieri  prouiderimus  et  velimus.  Cauentes  attente  ne  dicti 
Magister  Alfonsus  de  Santangel,  Johannes  Martinus  de 
Santangel  et  Petrus  Martinus  de  Santangel  aut  aliquis 
eorum  pro  predictis  vestri  ob  culpam  videantur  coram 
nobis  aliquatenus  conquerentes  non  culpa  vestra  ipsa  vero 
carebat  sine  dubio  digna  pena. 

Datum  Perpiniani  sub  nostro  sigillo  secreto  XXIII  die 
octobris  anno  a  Nativitate  Dom.  M°CCCCXV°. 

Et  propter  indisposicionem  nostre  persone  signatum 
manu  nostri  primogeniti 

A.  Primogenitus. 
Dominus  rex  mandavit  mihi  Paulo  Nicholae. 


II. 

JUAN  II.  OF  ARAGON  ALLOWS  THE  SANTANGELS  TO 
SEARCH  FOR  TREASURES  (1459). 

\Arch.  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3368,  fol.  77.] 

JOHANNES  REX  .  .  .  Delectis  fidelibus  nostris  Bajulo 
et  Vicario  Calatayubii  et  ejus  locumtenentibus  et  ceteris 
quibusuis  officialibus  et  subditis  nostris  ad  quern  seu  quos 
presentes  peruenerint  et  fuerint  presentate  salutem  et  gra- 
ciam. 

Pro  parte  fidelis  nostri  Ludouici  de  Sancto  Angelo  juris- 
periti  minoris  dierum  ciuis  Cesarauguste  fuit  Majestati 
nostre  expositum  reuerenter  quod  ipse  et  Leonardus  de 
Sancto  Angelo  ciuis  Calatayubii  quasdam  domos  in  vico 
seu  partita  vocata  Villanueva  que  confrontantur  cum  domi- 
bus  que  fuerunt  Ferdinandi  Lupi  de  Villanueva  et  cum 
domibus  que  fuerunt  Ludouici  Sanchez  de  Calatayud  et 
cum  torrente  siue  barranco  et  cum  via  publica  ex  alia  parte 


APPENDIX. 


137 


quasquidem  domus  habuerunt  in  successione  parentum  et 
auorum  suorum  et  in  quibus  quidem  domibus  ut  fertur  aui 
uel  parentes  eorum  recondiderunt  in  aliquibus  partibus 
dictarum  domorum  pecunias,  monetas,  auri  uel  argenti  et 
nonnulla  bona  per  eos  ibidem  occultata  et  facilius  pro  eis 
qui  tempore  mortis  eorum  parentum  remanebant  pupilli  et 
in  valde  parua  aetate  conseruarentur  ut  predicta  demon- 
strantur  ut  fertur  per  memorialia  priuata  manu  aui  et  sui 
patris  eorum  scripta  quas  quidem  domus  dicti  Ludouicus 
et  Leonardus  vendiderunt  Abrahe  Patagon  judeo  dicti 
ciuitatis  Calatayubii  seu  pro  eo  Raymundo  Lopez  ejus  fratri 
retento  sibi  quod  possent  quotiens  eis  placeret  dictas  domus 
perquirere  et  quod  ibidem  reperirent  inde  libere  asportare. 
Et  quamuis  illud  possint  libere  facere  et  maxime  cum  dictus 
judeus  qui  dictas  domus  detinet  in  dicta  voluntate  et  pacto 
perseueret,  tamen  ut  ilia  facilius  et  absque  aliquo  scrupulo 
et  metu  nostro  seu  fisci  nostri  fieri  valiant  supplicauit  nobis 
dictus  Ludouicus  quod  sibi  licenciam  et  facultatem  per- 
quirendi  et  focliendi  in  dictis  domibus  dictas  pecunias, 
monetas  et  bona  et  quidquid  aliud  ibi  perquirere  uellet 
concedere  dignaremus  et  quod  quidquid  ibidem  inuenerit 
possit  et  valeat  secum  apportare  et  inde  ad  suas  uoluntates 
facere  offerens  se  seruire  Majestati  nostre  de  quinta  parte 
illorum  que  ibidem  repererit.  Idcirco  ad  dicti  Ludouici 
supplicacionem  ac  considerantes  quod  supplicata  per  cum 
rationi  et  justicie  sunt  consona,  idcirco  tenore  presentis 
prouisionis  nostre  perpetue  valiture  concessimus  et  con- 
cedimus  liberam  facultatem  permissam  et  licenciam  dicto 
Ludouico  quod  precedente  assensu  et  voluntate  dicti 
Abrahe  Patagon  habitants  in  dictis  domibus  expensis 
tamen  dicti  Ludouici  possit  et  valeat  tociens  quociens  sibi 
nisum  fuerit  ipse  per  se  aut  alios  in  dictis  domibus  et  quali- 
bet  partita  earum  fodere,  perquirere  et  quouismodo  inda- 
gare  presente  tamen  vobis  dicto  bajulo  aut  vestro  locum- 
tenenti  aut  alia  persona  a  vobis  aut  altero  vestrum  deputata 
seu  deputanda  et  quidquid  ibidem  inuenerit  aut  repererit 


138  APPENDIX. 

retenta  apud  vos  quinta  parte  pro  nobis  et  erario  nostro 
possit  libere  totum  residuum  accipere  et  inde  extrare  et 
secum  asportare  et  inde  ad  suas  voluntates  ut  de  bonis 
propriis  facere  absque  aliquo  metu,  pena  aut  calonia  et 
absque  alicujus  impedimento.  Uolumus  tamen  quod  dictus 
Ludouicus  in  posse  vestro  aut  vestri  locumtenentis  promit- 
tat  et  assecuret  quod  quidquid  in  dictis  domibus  foderit, 
demolitus  fuerit  aut  innouauerit,  restituet  in  primerum 
statum  suis  expensis  propriis.  Mandantes  vobis  et  cuilibet 
vestrum  ceterisque  quibusuis  officialibus  et  subditis  nostris 
quatenus  dictam  nostram  licenciam  et  facultatem  firmas 
teneant  et  obseruent,  teneri  et  obseruari  faciant  et  quod 
contra  ea  non  veniant,  faciant  aut  uenire  permittant,  ymo 
dicto  Ludouico  in  predictis  foueant  et  non  contraueniant 
aliqua  occasione  seu  causa  cum  nos  deliberate  et  consulte 
ita  fieri  decreuerimus  et  velimus. 

Datum  in  nostra  Aliaferiaciuitatis  Ceserauguste  dieXXIIII 
mensis  octobris  anno  a  Natuitate  Dom.  M°CCCC0LVIIII°. 

Rex  Jo. 

Dominus  Rex  mandauit  mihi  Antonio  Nogueras  et  vide- 
runt  earn  Generalis  Thesaurarius  et  Petrus  Torrellas  Con- 
seruator  Aragonum. 

III. 

FERDINAND  THE  CATHOLIC  GRANTS  A  PENSION  TO  THE 
DAUGHTERS  OF  JUAN  DE  SANTANGEL  (1488,  1492). 

[Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3649,  fol.  236  sy.] 

Nos  FERDINANDUS  REX.  .  .  .  Fuit  superioribus  diebus 
Joannes  de  Sancto  Angelo  juris  peritus  ac  ciuis  ciuitatis 
Ceserauguste  per  deuotos  patres  inquisitores  heretice  praui- 
tatis  in  eadem  ciuitate  ob  crimen  heresis  et  apostasie  de 
quo  fuit  accusatus  in  absencia  comdemnatus  ac  ejus  effigies 
siue  statua  igni  tradita  et  combusta  bonaque  sua  omnia 


APPENDIX. 


139 


mobilia  et  immobilia  censualia  jura  nomina  et  acciones 
preuia  racione  Curie  et  fisco  nostris  adjudicata,  confiscata 
et  applicata  prefati  inquisitores  sua  cum  sentencia  declara- 
runt  prout  in  eadem  sentencia  quam  hie  pro  sufficienter 
specificata,  repetita  et  inserta  haberi  volumus,  et  habemus 
proinde  ac  si  de  verbo  ad  verbum  hie  expressa,  repetita  et 
inserta  foret  predicta  confiscacio  et  alia  lacius  et  effusius 
sunt  expressa.  Post  quam  condemnacionem  et  bonorum 
confiscacionem  quoniam  intelleximus  dictum  Joannem  tres 
filias  reliquisse  innuptas,  vos  scilicet  Luisam,  Agnetem  et 
Lauram  de  Sancto  Angelo  que  antea  ex  bonis  ejusdem  patris 
vestri  vivebatis  et  quod  eis  manus  ad  vestras  apprehensis 
nihil  vobis  pro  sustentacione  vite  vestre  remansit,  nostra 
cum  prouisione  data  Ceserauguste  decimo  nono  januarii 
anni  Millesimi  quadringentesimi  octogesimi  octaui  fecimus 
vobis  graciam  et  concessionem  demille  etquingentis  solidis 
jaccensibus  per  vos  annis  singulis  vestra  durante  vita  re- 
cipiendis  ac  inter  vos  certo  modo  diuidendis  quos  vobis 
dari  et  assignari  jussimus  in  quibuscumque  censualibus 
et  redditibus  Curie  nostre  confiscatis  qui  et  que  fuerunt 
dicti  vestri  genitoris  ut  in  precalendata  nostra  prouisione 
ad  quam  nos  refferimus  hoc  et  alia  lacius  vidimus  con- 
tineri  cujus  concessiones  vigore  fuerunt  ut  intelleximus  per 
receptorem  nostrum  bonorum  videlicet  confiscatorum  ob 
crimen  heresis  in  diocesi  Ceserauguste  vobis  assignati  dicti 
mille  et  quingenti  solidi  jaccenses  annuales  super  quoddam 
censuali  onerato  et  carricato  in  et  super  consiliis  Univer- 
sitatis  et  singularibus  persoriis  locorum  honoris  de  Huesca 
pensionis  annue  mille  solidorum  ad  censum  soluendorum 
singulis  annis  primo  die  februarii  et  precii  siue  proprietatis 
quindecim  mille  solidorum  et  super  alio  censuali  onerato  et 
carricato  in  et  super  Aljama  judeorum  Ciuitatis  Jacce  et 
singularibus  ejusdem  pensionis  annue  quingentorum  solid 
orum  jaccensium  annis  singulis  soluendorum  primo  die 
februarii  et  precii  siue  proprietatis  sex  mille  solidorum 
jaccensium  que  duo  censualia  fuerunt  dicti  patris  vestri  et 


140 


APPENDIX. 


pretextu  dicte  confiscacionis  Curie  et  fisco  nostris  adquisita 
et  applicata  ac  ea  vos  in  presenciam  modo  predicto  tenetis 
et  possidetis.  Et  quoniam  ut  intelleximus  ob  bonorum 
indigenciam  nubere  non  voletis,  fuit  propterea  vestra  pro 
parte  Majestati  nostre  humiliter  supplicatum  et  premen- 
cionata  duo  censualia  tarn  in  proprietatibus  quam  pensioni- 
bus  in  adjutorium  matrimonii  vobis  tribus  in  perpetuum 
concedere  pro  vobis  et  successoribus  vestris  de  nostra  solita 
clemencia  dignaremur.  Nos  vero  quia  opus  caritatis  hoc 
esse  perspicimus  predictisque  et  aliis  piis  moti  respectibus 
eadem  supplicacione  benigne  exaudita  tenore  presentis 
Carte  nostre  cunctis  futuris  temporibus  perpetuo  valiture 
scienter  deliberate  et  consulto  per  nos  omnes  que  heredes 
et  successores  nostros  quoscumque  donacione  quidem  pura, 
perfecta  et  irrevocabilique  dicitur  inter  uiuos  damus,  dona- 
mus,  concedimus  et  liberaliter  vobis  predictis  Luyse,  Agneti 
et  Laure  sororibus  inter  vos  modo  infrascriptodiuidenda  et 
vestris  etquibus  volueritis  perpetuo  premencionata  duo  cen 
sualia  tam  in  preciis  siue  in  proprietatibus  quam  in  pensioni- 
bus  illorum  et  utriusque  eorum  ab  inde  debendis  seu  decur- 
rendis  cum  penis  salariis  et  aliis  clausulis  obligacionibus 
et  firmitatibus  in  instrumentis  eorumdem  censualium  et 
illorum  sentenciis  super  eis  latis  lacius  contends  et  expressis 
videlicet  predictum  censuale  pensionis  annue  mille  solid, 
jaccens.  et  precii  siue  proprietatis  quindecim  mille  solid, 
jaccens.  pro  vobis  dicta  Laura  et  vestris  etquibus  volueritis 
perpetuo  et  expedito  altero  censuali  pensionis  annue  quin- 
gentorumsolidorum  et  precii  siue  proprietatis  sex  mille  solid, 
jaccens.  due  partes  videlicet  trecenti  triginta  tres  solidi  qua- 
tuor  denarii  dicte  pensionis  cum  eorum  precio  siue  proprietate 
pro  vobis  dicta  Agnete  et  vestris  et  quibus  volueritis  per 
petuo  et  tertia  pars  que  est  centum  sexaginta  sex  solidi 
octo  denarii  restantes  dicti  pensionis  quingentorum  soli- 
dorum  cum  eorum  precio  siue  proprietate  pro  vobis  dicta 
Agnete  et  vestris  et  quibus  volueritis  perpetuo.  Et  tertia 
pars  que  est  centum  sexaginta  sex  solidi  octo  denarii  res- 


APPENDIX. 


141 


tantes  dicte  pensionis  quingentorum  solid,  cum  eorum  precio 
siue  proprietate  pro  vobis  dicta  Luysa  vestra  vita  durante 
et  post  vestram  vitam  volumus  quod  vos  dicta  Agnes  succe- 
datis  in  dictis  centum  sexaginta  sex  solidis  octo  denariis 
pensionis  et  in  eorum  precio  siue  proprietate  de  quibus  dicto 
in  casu  nunc  pro  tune  et  contra  vobis  graciam  et  donacionem 
facimus.  Itaquod  de  eis  predicto  in  casu  possitis  disponere 
in  vos  et  vestros  in  perpetuum  ad  vestre  libitum  voluntatis 
quemadmodum  hujusmodi  nostre  donacionis  pretextu  vobis 
licet  disponere  de  aliis  duabus  partibus  dicti  censualis  tarn 
in  proprietate  quam  in  pensionibus  de  quibus  ut  prefertur 
vobis  graciam  et  donacionem  facimus,  sed  si  et  ubi  continget 
dictum  censuale  pensionis  annue  quingentorum  solidorum 
et  precii  siue  proprietatis  sex  mille  solidorum  jaccens. 
reducti  seu  quitari  siue  uiuente  dicta  Luysa  siue  post  ejus 
obitum  volumus  quod  totum  precium  seu  proprietas  ejus- 
dem  censualis  sit  vestre  dicte  Agnetis  ac  vobis  pertineat 
vosque  de  eadem  proprietate  possitis  in  vos  et  vestros  dis 
ponere  in  perpetuum  ad  vestre  libitum  voluntatis.  Eo  tamen 
pacte  et  condicione  quod  teneamini  et  obligate  sitis  et 
vestri  in  dicto  censuali  seu  in  precio  illius  successores  suo 
casu  teneantur  et  obligati  existant  respondere  et  realiter 
et  cum  effectu  soluere  racione  dicti  censualis  predicte 
Luyse  singulis  annis  ejus  vita  durante  dictos  sexaginta 
sex  solidos  octo  denarios  jaccens.  qui  post  ipsius  obitum 
dicte  Agneti  integre  remaneant  ut  predicitur.  Hanc  autem 
donacionem  et  ex  causa  donacionis  concessionem  facere 
intendimus  et  facimus  vobis  dictis  Laure,  Agneti  et  Luyse 
sororibus  singula  singulis  refferendo  prout  superius  est 
expressum  et  vestris  et  quibus  volueritis  perpetuo  ut  prefer- 
tursicut  melius  plenius,  sanius  et  utilius  dici  potest  et  intelligi 
ad  sanum,  sincerum  et  bonum  etiam  intellectum  vestri  et  ves- 
trorum  predictorum.  Extrahentes  predicta  que  vobis  damus, 
donamus  et  concedimus  a  jure  dominio  posse  proprietate 
nostri  et  nostrorum  eademque  omnia  et  singula  in  vos  ves- 
trumque  ac  vestrorum  jus  dominium  proprietatem  et  potesta- 


I42  APPENDIX. 

tern  mittimus,  ponimus  et  transferimus  irreuocabiliter  pleno 
jure  ad  habendum,  tenendum  omnique  tempore  pacifice  et 
perpetuo  possidendum  et  inde  vestras  vestrorumque  uolun- 
tates  omnino  ad  libere  faciendum  sine  obstaculo,  contra- 
dictione  et  impedimento  nostri  et  nostrorum  et  alterius 
cujuscumque  Curie  et  persone  promittentes  tradere  vobis  et 
cuilibet  vestrum  aut  cui  seu  quibus  volueritis  loco  vestri 
possessionem  corporalem  seu  quasi  predictorum  que  vobis 
ut  prefertur  donamus  et  in  ea  facere  vos  et  vestros  existere 
perpetuo  pociores  vel  vos  et  vestri  si  malueritis,  possitis 
et  valeatis  dictam  possessionem  libere  apprehendere  quan- 
documque  volueritis  penes  vos  et  eos  licite  retinere.  Nos 
enim  interim  donee  possessionem  ipsam  vobis  tradiderimus 
vel  vos  aut  vestri  predictam  apprehenderitis  ut  est  dictum 
fatemur  et  confitemur  nos  predicta  que  vobis  damus,  con- 
cedimus  et  donamus  pro  vobis  et  vestris  vestroque  et 
ipsorum  nomine  tenere  et  possidere  vel  quasi  scientes 
ilium  de  jure  possidere  cujus  nomine  possidetur.  Pre- 
terea  ex  causa  hujusmodi  donacionis  et  concessionis  et 
alias  prout  melius  de  jure  valere  poterit  et  tenere,  damus, 
cedimus  et  mandamus  vobis  et  vestris  predictis  omnia  jura 
et  loca  nostra  omnesque  voces  et  vices,  raciones  et  actiones 
reales  et  personales  utiles,  mixtas  et  directas,  ordinarias  et 
extraordinarias  et  alias.  Nos  enim  facimus  et  constitui- 
mus  vos  et  vestros  predictos  in  his  dominos  et  procura- 
tores,  ut  in  rem  vestram  et  eorum  propriam  ad  faciendum 
inde  vestre  libitum  voluntatis  clicentes  nihilominus  et 
intimantes  tenore  presentis  Carte  nostre  vicem  epistole  in 
hac  parte  gerentis  dictis  conciliis  Xpianorum  et  Aljame 
judeorum  et  aliis  singularibus  personis  tentis  et  obligatis 
in  predictis  censualibus  et  quolibet  eorum  seu  que  ab  inde 
tenebuntur  quauis  racione  vel  causa  quadammodo  habeant 
et  teneant  vos  et  vestros  predictos  et  quos  volueritis  pre- 
dominis  dictorum  censualium  tarn  in  proprietatibus  quam 
in  pensionibus  vobis  et  cuilibet  vestrum  aut  cui  seu  quibus 
volueritis  respondeant  et  satisfaciant  de  pro  ratis  et  pen- 


APPENDIX. 


143 


sionibus  ab  inde  debendis  et  ut  predicitur  de  preciis  eorun- 
dem  censualium  prout  virtute  precalendate  concessionis 
nostre  et  assignacionis  predicte  per  receptorem  ejus  pretextu 
facte  vobis  durante  vita  vestra  de  dictis  pensionibus  et  post 
vestri  obitum  nobis  et  successoribus  nostris  de  pensionibus 
et  preciis  respondere  et  satisfacere  tenebantur  ante  hujus- 
modi  donacionem,  concessionem  et  cessionem.  Hanc 
autem  donacionem  et  concessionem  dictorum  censualium 
dictis  sororibus  facimus  et  facere  intendimus  cum  his  pacto 
et  condicione  et  non  alias  neque  alio  modo  quod  nullo 
unquam  tempore  possitis  neque  valeatis  aliquid  aliud  de 
bonis  et  hereditate  dicti  Joannis  de  Sancto  Angelo  genitoris 
vestri  habere,  exigere  seu  quomodolibet  petere  sed  de  dictis 
et  premencionatis  duobus  censualibus  contente  sitis  atque 
satisfacte  pro  omnibus  et  singulis  juribus  et  accionibus  in 
bonis  et  hereditate  dicti  patris  vestri  vobis  pertinentibus 
et  expectantibus.  Illustrissimo  propterea  Joanni  principi 
Asturiarum  et  Gerunde  primogenito  nostro  carissimo  ac  in 
omnibus  regnis  et  terris  nostris  post  felices  et  longeuos  dies 
nostros  immediato  heredi  dicimus  magnificis  vero  con- 
siliariis  delectis  et  fidelibus  nostris  regenti  officium  nostri 
emolumentorum  et  bonorum  Curie  et  fisco  nostris  confisca- 
torum  ex  causa  heresis  et  apostasie  criminum  predictorum 
nee  non  (Jalmedine,  merinis,  justiciis,  alguziriis  supra  jun- 
tariis,  nunciis  et  sagionibus  et  aliis  uniuersis  et  singulis 
officialibus  et  subditis  nostris  in  regno  ipso  Aragonum  con- 
stitutis,  constituendis  dictorumque  officialium  locumtenenti- 
bus  ceterisque  uniuersis  et  singulis  personis  ad  quos  spectat 
et  presertim  predictis  conciliis  Aljame  et  aliis  singularibus 
personis  que  ad  prestacionem  dictorum  censualium  tenen- 
tur  et  obligateque  sunt  et  de  cetero  fuerunt  dicimus,  pre- 
cipimus  et  mandamus  ad  obtentum  nostri  amoris  et  grade 
incursumque  pene  florenorum  auri  duorum  mille  nostris  si 
contrafecerint  inferendorum  erariis  quod  renunciando  vos 
dicte  sorores  omnibus  juribus  et  accionibus  quacumque 
racione  seu  causa  vobis  pertinentibus  et  spectantibus  in 


144  APPENDIX. 

bonis  que  fuerunt  dicti  patris  vestri.  Et  dictus  illustr.  films 
noster  carissimus  benediccionem  nostram  paternam  caram 
habeat  ceterique  officiales  nostri  predicti  iram  et  indigna- 
cionem  ac  penam  prepositam  cupiant  non  subire.  In  cujus 
rei  testimonium  presentem  cartam  fieri  jussimus  nostro 
communi  sigillo  impendenti  munitam. 

Datum  in  Ciuitate  nostra  Granate  die  VIII  mensis 
Januarii  anno  a  Nativitate  Dom.  M°CCCC°LXXXXIl0 
Regnorum  nostrorum  videlicet  Sicilie  anno  XXV0  Castelle 
et  Legionis  XVIIII0  Aragonum  vero  et  aliorum  XIIII0, 
Granate  autem  primo. 

Yo  el  Key  F. 

Testes  sunt:  Rmus  ps.  Cardinalius  Archiepiscopus  Tole- 
tanus. 

Dominus  Rex  mandauit  mihi  Johanni  de  Coloma.  Visa 
pergeneralem  thesaurarium  J.  de  la  Caualleria. 


IV. 

Louis  DE  SANTANGEL  is  APPOINTED  DEPUTY  OF  THE 
ZALMEDINA  (1491). 

\Libro  de  Act.  del  Ayuntamiento  de  Zaragoza,  A"  1492.] 

Nos  FERDINANDUS  REX  .  .  .  De  fide  legalitate  et 
animi  probitate  viri  delecti  nostri  Ludouici  de  Santangelo 
notari  ciuitatis  de  Cesarauguste  plenarii  confidentes  suppli- 
cacionibusque  quarundam  familiarum  et  benemeritorum 
nostrorum  benigniter  inclinati,  Tenore  presentis  scienter 
et  expresse  officium  Locumtenentis  (Jalmedine  ac  Judicis 
mynorum  causarum  pro  anno  proximo  venturo  nonagesimo 
segundo  quod  currere  incipiet  vespere  conceptionis  Beate 
Virginis  Marie  mensis  Decembris  proxime  instantis  et 
finiet  eodem  die  anni  jamdicti  nonagesimi  segundi  cum 
salario  jurisdictione  preheminencio  superjoritatibus  utili- 


APPENDIX. 


tatibus  honoribusque  et  oneribus  officio  ipsi  incumbentibus 
debitis  pertinentibus  et  spectantibus  vobis  dicto  Ludouico 
de  Santangelo  prestito  prius  per  vos  in  posse  illius  ad  quern 
spectet  debito  et  solito  prestari  juramento  concedimus, 
committimus  et  fiducialiter  commendamus.  Itaque  vos 
dictus  Ludouicus  de  Santangelo  et  alius  nemo  dicto  anno 
durante  sitis  Locumtenens  (Jalmedine  ac  Judex  mynorum 
causarum  ipsumque  officium  habeatis,  teneatis,  regatis  et 
exerceatis  fideliter  legaliter  atque  bene  dicto  anno  durante 
Jus  et  Justitia  dicto  submissis  officio  imbuendo  et  minis- 
trando  jura  et  regalias  nostras  manutenendo  et  conser- 
uando  et  alia  fauendo  adque  juxta  ordinaciones,  privilegia, 
statuta,  obseruancias  et  consuetudines  dicte  civitatis  tenea- 
mini  et  sitis  astricti.  Et  habeatis,  exigatis  et  recipiatis 
vestrisque  utilitatibus  applicetis  pro  labore  et  exercitio  me- 
morati  illud  salarium  eove  lucro  jura  obuenciones  et  emolu- 
menta  que  per  alios  locumtenentes  Qalmedine  ac  Judicis 
mynorum  causarum  predecessores  vestros  juste  et  debite 
sunt  haberi  et  exigi  solitum  et  solita.  Mandantes  per  hanc 
eanciem  regenti  officium  gubernationis,  justitie  et  Bajulo 
general!  Aragonum,  Qalmedine,  Merino,  Juratis  et  aliis 
officialibus  et  personis  in  dictis  civitate  et  regno  constitutis 
et  eorum  Locumtenentibus  quatenus  vos  dictum  Ludouicum 
de  Santangelo  teneant,  reputent,  honorificent  atque  tractent, 
et  in  possessione  dicti  officii  ii  eorum  ad  quos  attineat 
adueniente  tempore  oportuno  vos  ponant  etjudicent  posi- 
tumque  et  inductum  manteneant  et  conseruent  responde- 
antque  vobis  et  respondere  faciant  per  quos  deceat  de 
salario,  emoluments  et  aliis  juribus  ratione  dicti  officii 
pertinentibus  et  vobis  spectantibus,  provisionemque  nos- 
tram  hujusmodi  et  omnia  et  singula  desuper  contenta  ad 
unguem  teneant  et  inuiolabiter  obseruent  et  faciant  per 
quos  deceat  obseruari.  Et  non  contrafaciant  uel  veniant 
aut  aliquem  contrafacere  sine  ratione  aliqua  siue  causa. 
In  quorum  testimonium  presentem  fieri  jussimus  nostro 
communi  sigillo  atergo  munitam. 
10 


146  APPENDIX. 

Datum  in  nostris  felicibus  castris  agr.  Ciuitatis  Granate 
XXVI  die  Xouembris  anno  a  Xativitate  Dom.  Millesimo 
qnadringentesimo  nonagesimo  primo. 

Yo  el  Rev  F. 


V. 


Luis  DE  SANTANGEL'S  DAUGHTER  RECEIVES  A  WEDDING 
GIFT  FROM  FERDINAND  THE  CATHOLIC  (1493). 

[ArcJk,&la  C*r9*A  de  Ara&m,  Rfg.  3616,  /V£  207.] 

D.  FERNANDO  .  .  .  Al  magnifico  amado  criado  con- 
sejero  y  general  thesorero  nostro  Gabriel  Sanchez  salud  e 
dileccion. 

For  los  muchos  seruicios  que  hauemos  recebido  y  decado 
dia  recebimos  del  amado  criado  consejero  y  scrivano  de 
racion  de  nostra  casa  M.  Luys  de  Santangel  en  alguna  com- 
pensade  aquellos,  y  por  beneficios  y  honras  a  donna  Luysa 
de  Santangei  su  fija,  la  qua!  de  voluntad  j  consentimiento 
nostro  ha  contractado  matrimonio  con  el  noble  D.  Angel  de 
Villanueva,  es  nostra  voluntad  fazer  le  la  merced  en  esta 
scriyia.  Dezimos,  encargamos  y  mandamos  vos  que  de 
qualesquiere  pecunias  de  nostra  Cone  a  vuestras  manos 
peruenidas  o  que  primero  peruendran,  deys  y  pageys  real- 
inente  y  de  fecho  a  la  dicha  «VF»I*^  Luysa  de  Santangel  o  al 
dicbo  nostro  Luys  de  Santangel  su  padre  en  su  nombre  o  a 
quien  su  padre  tuviese  treynta  mil  sueldos  monedos  de 
Valencia,  de  los  quales  lo  hauemos  fecho  merced  segund 
que  conta  presente  le  faccmos  por  contemplacio  del  dicho 
sa  matrimonio. 

Datum  en  la  villa  de  Medina  del  Campo  a  XX I  del  mes  del 
Marcio  anyo  de  la  natividad  de  n,  S.  M<CCCC°LXXXXin°. 

Yo  el  Rey  F. 


APPENDIX.  147 


VI. 


GRANT  OF  FERDINAND  THE  CATHOLIC  TO  Luis  DE  SANT- 
ANGEL  AND  HIS  DESCENDANTS  :  THEY  ARE  NOT  TO  BE 
MOLESTED  BY  THE  HOLY  OFFICE  (1497). 

\Arch.  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3654,  fol.   72  sq.~\ 

JESU  CRISTI  nomine.  Nouerint  universi  quod  Nos 
Ferdinandus  Dei  gracia  Rex.  .  .  Dignum  profecto  et 
consonum  racioni  esse  arbitramur  ut  illos  regalis  clemen- 
cia  congruis  beneficiis  prosequatur  quos  virtutis  constancie 
fidelitatis  et  animi  integritatis  merita  nostra  munificencia 
et  liberalitate  reddiderunt  benemeritos.  Nam  et  ipsi  de 
laboribus  susceptis  seruiciisque  impensis  senciunt  retribu- 
cionem  et  ceteri  ad  similia  peragenda  ardenciori  desiderio 
attenduntur :  Considerantes  itaque  seruicia  grandia  et  as- 
sidua  et  memoratu  digna  que  vos  magnificus  dilectusque 
consiliarius  et  scriba  porcionis  Domus  nostre  Ludouicus 
de  Sancto  Angelo  nobis  prestitis  animo  quippe  inde- 
fesso  non  sine  maxima  diligencia,  cura,  sollicitudine  et 
vigilancia  merito  nos  inducunt  ut  non  modo  in  vos 
verum  etiam  in  filios  et  posteritatem  vestram  nostram  osten- 
damus  munificenciam  et  liberalitatem  in  aliqualem  igitur 
tantorum  seruiciorum  vestrorum  recompensam  longe  ma- 
jora  de  nobis  promerencium  tenore  presentis  carte  nostre 
cunctis  futuris  temporibus  firmiter  valiture  et  durature  per 
Nos  et  omnes  heredes  et  successores  nostros  damus,  dona- 
mus,  concedimus  et  liberaliter  elargimur  nunc  pro  tune  et  e 
contra  Ferdinando  de  Sancto  Angelo,  Hieronimo  et  Alfonso 
filiis  ac  Luyse  de  Sancto  Angelo  filie  vestri  dicti  Ludouici 
de  Sancto  Angelo  et  suis  heredibus  et  successoribus  et  qui- 
bus  voluerint  omnes  et  quoscumque  redditus,  census,  cen- 
sualia,  jura,  acciones,  prouentus  et  alia  bona  quecumque 
mobilia  et  immobilia  ac  se  mouencia  cujuscumque  generis 


148  APPENDIX. 

aut  speciei  sint  qui  uelque  quomoclocumque  uel  qualiter- 
cumque  fuissent  forte  vobis  vivente  aut  post  vestri  obitum 
racione  criminis  heresis  et  apostasie  donacione  quidem 
pura,  perfecta  et  irreuocabili  que  dicitur  inter  viuos  ad 
dandum,  vendenduni,  alienandum,  cedendum,  transfer- 
endum,  transportandum,  tenendumque  et  perpetuo  possi- 
dendum  et  inde  in  predictis  censibus,  bonis,  juribus,  red- 
ditibus,  prouentibus  et  aliis  quibuscumque  bonis  racione 
et  ex  causis  predictis  nobis  et  Curie  ac  fisco  nostro  perti- 
nentibus  et  expectantibus,  adjudicatis,  adquisitis,  applicatis 
et  confiscatis  seu  adjudicandis,  applicandis  et  confiscandis 
suas  et  suorum  omnimodas  uoluntates  libere  faciendum 
tanquam  de  re  ut  in  rem  suam  et  suorum  propriam  et  dictis 
filiis  vestris  siue  liberis  descendentibus  transeat  et  succedat 
ad  ilium  heredem  quem  ultimus  dictorum  filiorum  uestrorum 
suo  ultimo  testamento  aut  alias  elegerit  et  nominauerit 
taliter  quod  presens  nostra  donacio  in  dictos  filios  et  here- 
des  vestros  et  in  suos  successores  sicut  ut  premittitur  de 
corpore  vestro  legitimo  descendentes  de  uno  ad  alium  tran 
seat  et  in  eos  succedat  ac  in  jus  defuncti  quicumque  heres 
uti  supra  dicitur  nominandus  in  present!  nostra  donacione  sit 
comprehensus  etiam  in  eadem  fuisset  specialiter  et  expresse 
nominatus,  contentus  et  operatus.  Cedentes  et  transferentes 
hujusmodi  serie  dictis  filiis  et  heredibus  uestris  et  in  eos  et 
alios  ut  premittitur  eis  succedentes  omnia  jura  et  acciones 
nostras  omnesque  voces  et  vices  nostros  et  nostrorum  suc- 
cessorum  reales  et  personales,  mixtas,  utiles  et  directas,  ordi- 
narias  et  extraordinarias  et  alias  quascumque  que  nobis  et 
successoribus  nostris  seu  Curie  et  fisco  nostro  competunt 
aut  in  futurum  quomodolibet  competere  poterunt  quacum- 
que  racione  uel  causa.  Hanc  autem  donacionem  et  ex 
causa  donacionis  cessionem  et  transportacionem  de  dictis 
bonis  racione  predicta  nobis  et  successoribus  nostris  forte 
pertinentibus  et  que  pertinere  possent  in  futurum  facimus 
prefatis  filiis  et  heredibus  vestris  et  suis  ut  premittitur 
successoribus,  prout  melius,  sanius,  comodius,  plenius  et 


APPENDIX. 


149 


utilius  dici,  scribi,  annotari  et  intelligi  potest  ad  suum  et 
suorum  bonum,  sanum  et  sincerum  intellectum  ad  haben- 
dum,  tenendum  omnique  tempore  pacifice  possidendum 
indeque  suas  et  suorum  omnimodas  voluntates  libere  de 
eisdem  faciendum  sine  obstaculo  uel  impedimento  nostri 
aut  quorumcumque  officialium  nostrorum.  Extrahentes 
predictis  que  dictis  filiis  et  heredibus  vestris  et  suis  ut  pre- 
mittitur  heredibus  et  successoribus  clamus  et  donamus  a 
jure,  posse,  dominio  et  proprietate  nostri  et  nostrorum 
eademque  omnia  in  jus,  posse,  dominium  et  proprietatem 
suam  et  suorum  ponimus,  mittimus  et  transferimus  irreuo- 
cabiliter  pleno  jure  inducentes  nunc  pro  tune  et  e  conuerso 
predictos  filios  et  heredes  vestros  et  suos  heredes  et  succes- 
sores  in  possessionem  corporalem  seu  quasi  realemque  et 
actualem  predictorum  bonorum  et  jurium  nobis  pertinenci- 
um  seuque  in  futurum  possentquomodolibet  nobis  et  nostris 
successoribus  pertinere.  Dantes  et  conceclentes  eisdem 
licenciam  et  facultatem  plenarias  predicta  bona  et  eorum 
possessionem  apprehendere  et  apprehensam  penes  eos  licite 
retineri.  Constituentes  predictos  filios  et  heredes  vestros  et 
suos  in  his  successores  vestros  et  potentes  dominos,  actores 
et  procuratores  ut  in  rem  suam  et  eorum  propriam.  Nos 
enim  licet  bona  ipsa  fuerint  ut  premittitur  racione  predicta 
confiscata  et  adjudicata  Regio  fisco  et  Curie  nostre  confite- 
mur  predicta  omnia  predictis  filiis  et  heredibus  vestris  et 
eorum  successoribus  precario  nomine  tenere  et  possidere 
scientes  ilium  de  jure  possidere  cujus  nomine  possidetur. 
Et  ne  in  futurum  in  presenti  nostra  donacione,  priuilegio  siue 
carta  defectu  alicujus  solemnitatis  vel  ommissionis  clausule 
seu  clausularum  aliquod  dubium  possit  suboriri  seu  defec- 
tus  aliquis  annotari  uel  ob  earn  rem  de  inualiditate  uel 
nullitate  argui  seu  impugnari  ad  omnem  dubitacionem  tol- 
lendam  motu  nostro  proprio  scienter  deliberate  et  consulto 
hujusmodi  tenore,  ex  nostre  regie  potestatis  plenitudine 
legibus  absoluta  qua  uti  volumus  in  hac  parte.  Supplemus 
omnes  et  quoscumque  defectus  et  solemnitatum  ommissiones 


150  APPENDIX. 

tarn  juris  quam  facti  signi  uelque  in  premissis  aut  aliqua 
premissorum  occasione  predicta  aut  alias  suboriri  possit 
seu  quomodolibet  annotari  quibus  non  obstantibus  uolu- 
mus  presentem  nostram  donacionem  juriumque  et  accionum 
nostrarum  cessionemque  et  transportacionem  suum  debi- 
tum  sortiri  effectum  et  omnimodo  obtinere  roboris  firmita- 
tem  quo  circa  Illmo  Joanni  principi  Asturiarum  et  Gerunde 
primogenito  nostro  carissimo  et  post  felices  et  longeuos 
diesnostros  in  omnibus  regnis  et  terris  nostris  Deo  propicio 
immediato  heredi  et  successor!  nostro  sub  paternis  bene- 
diccionibus  obtineri  dicimus  et  injungimus  receptori  quoque 
siue  receptoribus  bonorum  propter  crimen  heresis  et  aposta- 
sie  nobis  et  Curie  nostre  confiscatorum  et  confiscandorum 
presentibus  pariter  et  futuris  nee  non  etiam  fisco  siue  fiscis 
nostris  et  judicibus  siue  commissariis  bonorum  confisca 
torum  siue  confiscandorum  in  Ciuitate  et  Regno  Valencie 
ac  alibi  creatorum  et  creandorum  ceterisque  demum  uni- 
uersis  et  singulis  officialibus  et  judicibus  dicte  Inquisicionis 
et  nostris  in  predictis  Ciuitate  et  Regno  ac  alibi  constitutis 
et  constituendis  et  eorum  locumtenentibus  ad  quos  attineat 
dicimus,  precipimus  et  jubemus  scienter  et  expresse  sub 
ire  et  indignacionis  nostre  incursu  penaque  florenorum  auri 
Aragonumquinque  millium  a  bonis  cujuslibet  contrafacien- 
tis  irremissibiliter  exigendorum  et  nostris  inferendorum 
erariis  quatenus  presentem  nostram  donacionem  juriumque 
et  accionum  nostrarum  cessionem  et  transportacionem 
modo  quo  premittitur  dictis  filiis  et  heredibus  vestris  et  suis 
factam  teneant  firmiter  et  obseruent,  exequantur  et  com- 
pleant  et  dictis  vestris  filiis  et  heredibus  in  predictis  fo- 
ueant  tenerique  obseruari  exequique  et  compleri  ab  omnibus 
faciant  et  in  predictis  nullum  obstaculum  aut  impedimen- 
tum  eis  faciant  aut  fieri  per  aliquem  permittant  aliqua 
racione,  occasione  uel  causa  cum  ita  premissis  respectibus 
et  consideracionibus  de  mente  nostra  procedat  ac  per  eos 
et  eorum  quolibet  omnino  compleri  et  fieri  volumus  omni 
dilacione  et  excusacione  cessantibus.  In  quorum  testimoni- 


APPENDIX.  1 5 1 

um  presentem  fieri  jussimus  nostro  communi  sigillo  impend- 
ente  munitam. 

Datum  in  Villa  cle  Medina  delCampo  tricesimo  die  men- 
sis  Maii  anno  a  Natiuitate  Dom.  M°CCCC°  nonagesimo  sep- 
timo  regnorumque  nostrorum  videlicet  Sicilie  anno  tricesimo 
Castelle  et  Legionis  vicesimo  quarto  Aragonum  et  aliorum 
decimo,  Granate  autem  sexto. 

Yo  EL  KEY  F. 


VII. 


JAIME  AND  FERNANDO  DE  SANTANGEL  RECEIVE  OFFICES 
IN  THE  ROYAL  HOUSEHOLD  (1506,  1512). 

[Arch,  de  la  Corona  de  Aragon,  Reg.  3559,  fol.  77  sq.] 

Nos  FERDINANDUS  REX  .  .  .  Recolimus  quod  nostro 
cum  opportune  priuilegio  debitis  solemnitatibus  expedite 
dato  in  Ciuitate  Salamantice  die  tricesimo  mensis  januarii 
anni  a  Natiuitate  Domini  millesimi  quingentesimi  sexti  pro- 
uidimus  de  officio  Scribe  porcionis  domus  nostre  vobis  mag- 
nifico  dilectoconsiliario  nostro  Jacobo  de  Santangelo  conser- 
uatori  nostri  regii  patrimonii  et  Ferdinando  de  Santangelo 
militibus  simul  et  in  solidum  vita  vestra  et  ejus  durante 
cum  omnibus  et  singulis  salario,  graciis  et  accionibus,  lucris 
et  emolumentis  cum  omnibus  et  singulis  honoribus,  fauori- 
bus,  preheminenciis,  prerogatiuis  et  prioritatibus  aliisque 
ad  dictum  officium  pertinentibus  et  spectantibus  prout  in  dic- 
to  priuilegio  lacius  continetur.  Et  quia  scienti  fidedignorum 
testimonio  percepimus  solitum  est  et  de  more  regie  domus 
Aragonum  quod  Scriba  porcionis  nostre  regie  domus  habere 
et  recipere  debet  anno  quolibet  octo  mille  solidos  barchi- 
nonenses  pro  assignacione  et  gracia  officii  jam  dicti  ultra 
salarium  seu  quitacionem  ordinariam  et  assuetam  et  inten- 


152  APPENDIX. 

cionis  nostre  sit  ordinaciones  et  mores  antiquas  dicte  domus 
ut  clecet  conseruare  presertim  vobis  dicto  Jacobo  de  Sant- 
angelo  qui  tantumdem  de  nobis  pro  vestris  seruiciis  merit! 
estis  quantum  potuerunt  Scribe  porcionis  quicumque  de 
Serenissimis  Regibus  predecessoribus  nostri  mereri  etiam 
si  essetis  his  cui  assignacio  ipsa  primo  facta  extitisset,  quo- 
circa  presencium  tenore  expresse  et  de  nostracertasciencia 
et  consulto  octo  mille  solidos  barchinonenses  vobis  dicto 
Jacobo  de  Santangelo  Scribe  porcionis  predicto  duximus 
assignandos  et  concedendos  prout  harum  serie  concedimus 
et  assignamus  ultra  salarium  siue  quitacionem  ordinariam 
ac  assuetam  memorati  officii  habendos  siquidem  exigendos 
et  recipiendos  annis  singulis  per  vos  eundem  Jacobum  de 
Santangelo  vel  procuratorem  vestrum  aut  aliam  legitimam 
personam  tantum  eum  sic  de  mente  nostra  procedat  certis 
bonis  respectibus  animum  nostrum  digne  monentibus  vide 
licet  a  die  vicesimo  octauo  mensis  augusti  anni  millesimi 
quingentesimi  quinti  antea  et  sic  deincle  annis  singulis 
vita  vestra  durante  in  dicto  uel  consimili  termino  siue 
die  exoluendos,  dandos  et  tradendos  vobis  Jacobo  de  Sant 
angelo  aut  procuratori  vestro  tantum  realiter  integre 
et  cum  effectu  per  generalem  thesaurarium  nostrum  qui 
nunc  est  et  pro  tempore  fuerit  et  de  quibusuis  redditibus, 
emolumentis  et  juribus  ac  pecuniis  nostris  seu  Curie  nostre 
ad  ejus  manus  quomodolibet  prouenientibus  et  prouenturis 
et  in  solucionibus  quas  de  eis  vobis  facient  legitimo  procura- 
tore  tantummodo  apochas  desoluto  in  quantum  prima  tenor 
hujusmodi  inseratur  et  in  aliis  solummodo  mencionetur. 
In  quorum  testimonium  presentem  fieri  jussimus  nostro 
communi  sigillo  impendenti  munitam. 

Datum  in  Civitate  Burgorum  XXIIII  mensis  julii  anno  a 
Natiuitate  Dom.  Mill0  quingent0  duodecimo  Regnorumque 
nostrorum  uidelicet  Sicilie  vltra  Farnm  a°  quadrages0  quinto 
Aragonum  et  aliorum  quarto,  Sicilie  autem  citra  Farum  et 
Hierosolyme  decimo. 

Yo  EL  REY  F.  R. 


APPENDIX.  153 

VIII. 
LOS   INDIOS  DE  LAS   INDIAS   ISLAS   SON  HEBREOS. 

\Col,  Mufioz,  vol.  42,  fol.  60  sq. ;  en  la  Biblioteca  de  la  real  Aca- 
demia  de  la  Historia  en  Madrid.'} 

Los  Indies  de  las  Indias  islas  6  tierra  firme  del  mar 
oceano  que  son  el  presente  del  Senorio  de  la  Corona  R1  destos 
Reinos  de  Castilla  son  Hebreos  €  gentes  de  los  diez  tribus 
de  Israel,  que  Salman  Rey  de  los  Asirios  captivo  e  trans- 
migro  en  Asia  en  tiempo  del  Rey  Ezequias,  los  puede  haver 
2,200  afios  poco  mas  6  menos  que  fueron  llevados  captivos 
en  Asiria.  Este  se  prueva  por  cinco  razones. 

La  primera  por  razon  de  la  habitacion  6  sitio  de  la  parte 
del  mundo  donde  se  halla  que  morari  e  habitan.  Esta  se 
funda  de  una  autoridad  de  Esdras,*  donde  dice  que  estos 
diez  tribus  de  Israel  se  fieron  de  alii  de  Asiria  mas  adelante 
muy  lejos  en  una  region  e  parte  depoblada  de  gentes  que 
nunca  havia  sido  habitada,  camino  de  afro  6  medio.  Pues 
caminando  descle  Asiria  clende  la  Cibdad  de  Ninive,  donde 
estava  Tobias  que  fue  de  aquella  transmigracion  e"  gente, 
€  los  demas  de  su  nacion  caminando  acia  la  parte  del 
oriente  porque  a  la  parte  del  occidente  no  caminaron 
porque  boluieron  otra  ves  a  tierra  de  promision. 

A  la  parte  de  septentrio  6  norte  no  podieron  caminar 
tan  largo  camino  ni  a  la  parte  de  medio  dia,  sacando  los 
Sabaclos  €  Pascuas  que  no  caminaron  los  Hebreos,  ando  a 
cada  Jornada  veinte  millas  como  los  derechos  disponen,  6 
siete  leguas  que  es  una  milla  mas,  atento  la  cuenta  de  los 
Cosmografos  donde  esta  Ninive,  €  el  globo  €  circuitu  de  la 
tierra,  hecha  tambien  la  cuenta,  viene  se  a  concluir  tan 
largo  camino  a  la  dicha  tierra  firme,  6  por  alii  cerca  donde 
se  hallan  estas  gentes  que  moran,  porque  tanto  andarieron 
por  tierra  aca  el  oriente  que  los  hablan  yendo  de  aca  naui- 

*  Esdras,  iv.  ch.  13. 


154 


APPENDIX. 


gando  a  la  parte  del  occidente.  Despues  multiplicaronse 
en  la  tierra. 

La  segunda  razon  es  por  razon  de  la  multiplicacion  € 
grande  numero  dellos  que  es  la  mayor  nacion  en  numero 
que  hai  en  el  mundo  por  la  grandeza  de  la  tierra  que  tiene 
poblada.  Esto  se  funda  en  una  autoridad  del  Profeta  Osea,* 
donde  dice  que  havian  de  ser  el  numero  de  los  hijos  de 
Israel  como  el  arena  de  la  mar. 

La  terceraes  por  razon  de  la  lengua  e  habla  que  tienen  que 
es  Hebraico  corrompido,  como  nosotros  hablamos  Romance 
que  es  latin  corrompido.  Aca  se  habla  que  la  lengua  de 
los  Indios  de  la  isla  Espafiola  6  Cuba  6  Jamaica  6  las  otras 
adjacentes  es  Hebraico  corrompido,  6  las  dichas  islas  se 
poblaron  antiguamente  de  la  dicha  tierra  firme,  e"  ansi  la 
lengua  destos  emano  de  la  lengua  que  en  aquel  tiempo  se 
hablava  en  la  dicha  tierra  firme  de  donde  procedieron. 
Hallanse  muchos  vocables  entrellos  de  la  lengua  hebrea  6 
en  la  propria  significacion  6  manera  de  pronunciar.  Las 
islas  €  tierra  se  nombraron  antiguamente  de  los  primeros 
Sefiores  que  las  descubrieron  e  poblaron  entre  ellos  juxta 
illud  :  Vocauerunt  nomina  sua  in  terris  suisf  £  aun  los  rios 
tambien,  asi  pasa  aun  entre  nosotros.  Asi  Cubaes  nombre 
hebraico,  porque  por  ventura  se  llamo  asi  el  primer  Cacique 
que  la  descubrio  6  poblo,  agora  se  llama  la  isla  Fernandina, 
porque  el  Rey  que  la  mando  descubrir  6  en  cuyo  tiempo  se 
descubrio  e"  cuya  fue.  La  isla  Espafiola  se  llamo  en  la 
lengua  Aiti,  forte  a  Aisti  que  es  nombre  hebraico,  porque 
se  llamo  asi  el  primer  Cagique  que  la  poblo  6  descubrio 
antiguamente  6  por  otra  causa.  Hallanse  los  nombres  de 
tierras  e"  rios  de  las  dichas  islas  derivados  del  Hebraico  de 
hombres  6  de  mugeres  de  sus  ritos.  Cacjque  en  su  lengua 
derivado  es  del  Hebreo  Acacin,  que  quiere  decir  principio 
6  altura  dellos,  porque  el  Cagique  entre  ellos  es  el  mas 
principal  e"  mas  alto  en  lugar  6  autoridad  entre  ellos  que 

*  Hosea,  ch.  2.  f  Psalms,  ch.  49,  v.  12. 


APPENDIX. 


155 


sefiorea  e*  manda.  Hallanse  nombres  de  hombres  entre 
ellos  yones  de  yona,  de  Jacob  yaque,  como  nosotros  cor- 
rompemos,  de  Jacob  decimos  Jaque,  San  Jaque,  dicen  ellos 
Jaqui.  Samana  de  Salmana  hebreo,  6  anucia  de  yona,  ures 
de  urias,  anaures  de  anaurias,  siabao  de  siba,  maimon  de 
maumon,  sibanas  de  siba  anas  que  son  nombres  hebraicos. 
Un  rio  llaman  ellos  hayna  que  es  cabe  Sancto  Domingo  en 
la  Espafiola,  en  Hebraico  hain  quiere  decir  fuente.  Triste 
6  lloroso  llaman  ellos  cinoso  de  Cinoth,  en  Hebraico  quiere 
decir  lloroso  6  triste.  Azuron  cinato  quitarsate  ha  el  enojo, 
en  Hebraico  acura  cinoth  idem.  Un  instrumento  de  palo 
que  es  como  porra  conque  se  hieren  e  aporren  llaman  te 
machana,  de  macha  en  hebraico  quiere  decir  herida  6 
ingenio,  porque  es  ingenio  6  instrumento  para  se  herir. 
Hace  de  pronunciar  machana  como  macana  charitas.  Los 
Indios  que  coman  carne  humana  al  tal  Indio  llaman  caribe, 
derivando  de  carith  que  quiere  decir  occursus  ignis,  llama 
de  fuego  que  todo  lo  abrasa  por  donde  pasa,  porque  en  la 
verdad  estos  caribes  comen  4  los  Indios  6  los  matan  e 
roban  e  se  despueblan  las  tierras  por  causa  dellos,  e  todo  lo 
destruyen  e  abrasan  por  donde  pasan,  como  ac&  llaman  5. 
los  soldados  la  langosta  6  otro  nombre  semejante.  Hai 
nombres  de  las  mugeres  Ana,  Mariam,  Sara,  que  son 
hebraicos  de  mugeres.  Entre  los  nombres  de  los  hombres 
tienen  Cahaii  de  Cahat,  Maisi  de  Moysi.  Las  barquillas  en 
quel  andan  en  el  agua  como  artesa  &  la  tal  barquilla  llaman 
cansa  de  canu  en  hebraico,  quiere  decir  stancia  en  el  agua 
6  porque  los  sostiene  en  el  agua  6  que  esta  estanca  en  el 
agua.  El  cadalecho  en  que  ponen  el  maiz  6  cazabe  6  otras 
cosas  llaman  barvacsa,  de  baaracsa  que  quiere  decir  bacira- 
lecho.  Choa,  ayuntamiento,  porque  alia  ajuntan  e"  amon- 
tonan  las  cosas  que  ponen  en  el.  La  pimienta  de  las 
Indias  llamante  axi,  de  axa  que  en  hebraico  suena  6  quiere 
decir  furor  £  cosa  furiosa,  por  el  gran  calor  que  tiene  6  que 
queme  en  la  boca  ;  le  pusieron  asi  el  nombre  por  el  efecto 
que  hace.  Hai  otros  muchos  vocablos  &  palabras  entre 


1 56  APPENDIX. 

ellos  que  en  la  letra  e  nombre  e  significacion  es  Hebraico,  6 
tiene  mucha  semejanza  con  el,  como  nuestro  Romance  con 
el  Latin,  que  causa  brevitatis  omitto. 

La  cuarta  razon  es  :  porque  todas  las  qualidades  e  con- 
diciones  e  sefias  que  hallan  escritas  de  los  diez  tribus  de 
Israel  en  la  S.  Scriptura,  de  sus  ritos  e  cerimonias,  todas  6 
las  mas  se  hallan  entre  estos  Indios,  en  unos  mas  que  en 
otros  segun  que  despues  entre  ellos  se  dividieron  en  diversas 
heresias  e  errores,  e  sectas  e  prouincias  e  cismas  que 
tuvieron  entre  si  guerras,  tan  largo  discurso  de  tiempo 
como  es  dicho.  Despues  se  separaron  de  Dios,  se  perdieron 
la  observancia  de  la  ley  vieja,  e  las  escrituras  e  letras  que 
antiguamente  tuvieron,  secundum  numerum  quippe  ciuita- 
tum  tuarum  extant  dei  tui.* 

Hallase  entre  ellos  la  circumcision,  el  lavarse  muncho 
todos  cado  dia  en  la  mar,  en  los  rios,  fuentes  e"  aguas  ;  no 
tocar  a  los  muertos,  repudiar  a  sus  mugeres,  e  casarse  con 
otras  6  ellas  con  otros  ;  los  caciques  egrandes  sefiores  tenen 
muchas  mugeres  como  se  lee  de  algunos  de  los  Padres  del 
Testamento  viejo.  Casanse  con  sus  cufiaclas  quando  quejan 
sin  hijos  viudas.  En  la  Nueva  Espana  e  en  otras  partes 
sacrifican  £  los  idolos  demonios  los  muchachos,  tienen 
templos  altos  e  sacrifican  en  los  montes,  en  los  arboles, 
debajo  de  los  arboles  sombroses.  Tienen  la  idolatria,  el 
comerse  los  unos  3.  los  otros.  Que  estava  profetizado 
destos  por  el  Profeta  Micha.  f 

La  quinta  razon  es  por  razon  de  lo  que  estava  profetizado 
deste  pueblo  en  S.  Scriptura  de  la  idolatria  e"  pecados. 

*  Jeremiah,  ch.  2,  v.  28.  \  Micah,  ch.  3. 


APPENDIX.  157 

IX. 

PREPARATIONS  FOR  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE  (1493). 

[Co!.  MunoZy  vol.  75,  fol.  159  ;    BibL  de  la  real  Academia  de  la 
Ilistoria  en  Madrid, .] 

EL  REY  E  LA  REYNA.  A  vos  D.  Cristobal  Colon  fitro 
Almte  de  las  fitras  islas  e  terras  firmes  que  por  fitro  man- 
dado  se  ban  descubierto  e  ha  se  descobrir  en  el  mar  o  en  la 
parte  de  las  Indias  e  a  vos  D.  Juan  de  Fonseca  arced,  de 
Seuilla  del  fitro  consejo  salud  e  gracia. 

Sepades  que  nos  avemos  acordado  de  mandar  que  se 
haga  cierta  armada  de  algunos  navios  €  fustas  para  enbiar 
a  las  Indias  asi  para  sefiorear  las  [terras]  de  que  en  nome 
fitro  esta  tomada  posesion,  como  para  descobrir  otras.  Para 
hacer  e  pertrechar  esta  armada  €  proveer  de  todo  lo 
necesario,  ireis  a  Seuilla  6  Cadix  e  sus  dioceses  e  donde 
quiera  embargaveis  navios  e  mantenimientos  pagando  sus 
precios  regulares,  podreis  aprenniar  las  gentes  de  todos 
offc.  para  trabajar  e  ir  en  ella.  Para  todo  vos  damos  poder 
cumplido. 

De  Barcelona  a  XXIII  de  mayo  de  XCIII  afios. 

Yo  el  Rey.     Yo  la  Reyna. 

X. 

THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

\Arch.  de  Indias,  P*°  i-i-ii|.  Un  libra  de  translados  de  las 
Cedulas  y  Probisiones  de  Armadas  para  las  Indias  del  tiempo  delos 
Reyes  Catdlicos,  anos  de  1493  d  1495,  fol.  2  vueltoJ\ 

EL  REY  E  LA  REYNA.  Conde.  El  bachiller  de  la  torre 
nuestro  fiscal  nos  ovo  escripto  que  avia  secrestado  en  poder 
de  ciertos  mercaderes  desa  cibdad  quatro  mill  e  ciento  e 
veynte  ducados  de  oro  que  vinieron  en  ciertos  cambios  de 


Of 


-'i 


158  APPENDIX, 

portugal  de  vn  judio  que  hera  entonces  que  se  llamaua  Juan 
Bran  venissen  dirigidos  que  los  pagase  &  Julian  Catanes 
£  Bernaldo  Pinolo  por  cuenta  de  Antonio  de  Castro  vesino 
de  toledo  los  quales  por  algunas  cabsas  pertenescian  &  nos 
€  despues  nos  fue  dicho  quel  dicho  bachiller  los  queria  por 
ser  al  monesterio  de  las  cuevas  desa  cibdad  por  questo- 
uiensen  alii  deposados  hasta  que  nos  mandaremos  sobre 
ello  lo  que  fuese  nuestro  servicio  y  no  sabemos  cierto  sy 
los  pusieron  alii  agora  por  algunas  cosas  conplideras  £ 
nuestro  servicio  nos  serbiamas  mandar  que  los  dichos 
ducados  resciba  .  .  .  .  *  para  los  dar  a  la  persona  que 
por  nuestro  mandado  ha  de  recibir  e  gastar  los  maravedis 
del  armada  que  nos  mandamos  hazer  para  enbiar  3.  las 
yslas  e  tierra  firme  que  por  nuestros  mandado  agora  se  ha 
descubierto  6  ha  de  descobrir  en  las  yndias  como  vereys 
por  las  cartas  que  sobre  ello  enbiamos  por  ende  nos  vos 
mandamos  que  si  los  dichos  maravedis  estan  en  el 
monesterio  de  las  cuevas  vos  mandeys  al  prior  e  fleyres* 
del  dicho  monesterio  6  agays  manera  que  luego  den  los 
dichos  ducados  como  nos  gelo  escrivimos  lo  qual  procurad 
por  las  vias  que  pudieides,  6  sy  los  dichos  maravedis  estan  en 
poder  de  qualesquier  personas  €  mercaderes  les  apremyeys 
€  castrigeys  a  que  luego  dar  6  pagar  al  dicho.  ...  * 
los  dichos  quatro  mill  ciento  6  veynte  ducados  de  oro  6  su 
valor  6  la  quantya  que  hallardes  que  en  su  poder  fu£ 
enbargado  6  deposytado  6  dades  forma  como  se  sepa  la 
qontya  ques  €  en  cuyo  poder  estan  €  &  todo  lo  que  convi- 
nien  haserle  por  queste  dinero  se  cobre.  Lo  haseys  6  con- 
plys  luego  en  lo  qual  mucho  servicio  nos  hareys. 
De  Barcelona  a  XXIII  dias  de  mayo  de  XCIII  afios. 

Yo  el  Rey.     Yo  la  Reyna. 

*  A  vacant  space  in  the  manuscript.  f  Freyles. 


APPENDIX.  159 

XI. 

THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

[Ibid.     Un  libra  de  translados,  etc.,  fol.  20.] 

EL  KEY  E  LA  REYNA.  Conde  pariente.  For  algunas 
cosas  complideras  a  nuestro  servicio  es  menester  que  todo 
el  dinero,  oro  6  plata  6  joyas  6  otras  cosas  que  Calderon 
vuestro  maestre,  Sala  y  Collantes  vuestros  criados,  tomaron 
a  Juan  de  Ocampo  alcayde  de  Vruefia  que  lo  presumia  de 
judio  para  portogal  se  traygan  ante  nos  vos  mandamos  y 
encargamos  que  luego  hagays  dar  y  entregar  y  dedes  y 
entreguedes  sy  falta  alguna  segun  lo  veres  por  vn  memo 
rial  firmado  de  Fernando  Aluares  de  toledo  nuestro  secre- 
tario  que  es  treslado  del  dicho  memorial  escripto  de  letra 
del  dicho  Collantes  firmado  de  su  nombre  6  del  dicho 
Calderon  6  de  Juan  Ortiz  vuestro  alcayde  de  alua  a  Bernal- 
dino  de  Lerma  contino  de  nuestra  casa,  €  tomad  su  carta 
de  pago  con  la  qual  y  con  esta  nuestra  cedula  vos  doy  por 
libre  e*  quito  de  lo  que  asi  le  dierdes  e  pagardes  y  por 
manera  alguna  non  fagades  otra  cosa  en  lo  qual  mucho 
plaser  y  servicio  nos  fareys  y  de  lo  contrario  avriamos 
enojo. 

De  Barcelona  a  XX  de  mayo  de  XCIII  afios. 

Lleuo  Bernaldino  de  Lerma  otro  tal  memorial  como  Heu6 
Diego  Cano  del  dinero  €  oro  €  plata  e  joyas  e  otras  cosas  quel 
conde  don  Alonso  y  sus  criados  tienen  y  lo  han  de  dar  a 
qualquier  dellos. 


i6o 


APPENDIX. 


XII. 
THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

[Ibid.      Un  libra  de  translados,  etc.,  fols.  6-g.] 

EL  REY  E  LA  REYNA.  Conde  pariente,  e  por  que  para 
algunas  cosas  conplideras  a  nuestro  servicio  es  menester 
que  todo  el  dinero  6  oro  £  plata  €  joyas  6  otras  cosas  que 
Calderon  vuestro  maestre,  Sala  €  Collantes  vuestros  criados, 
tomaron  a  Juan  de  Ocampo  alcayde  de  Vruefia  en  la  per 
sona  de  judios  para  portugal  se  trayga  ante  nos  vos  man- 
damos  e"  encargamos  que  luego  lo  fagays  den  6  entreguen 
e  dedes  e  entregardes  syn  falta  alguna  segund  lo  veres  por 
un  memorial  escripto  de  letra  del  dicho  Collantes  firmado 
de  su  nombre  e  del  dicho  Calderon  e  de  Juan  Ortiz  vuestro 
alcayde  de  alua  e  Diego  Cano  continuo  de  nuestra  casa  £ 
tomad  su  carta  de  pago  con  la  qual  e  con  esta  cedula  vos 
damos  por  libre  e  quito  de  lo  que  asy  le  dierdes  e  paga- 
dedes  e  por  manera  alguna  non  pagades  mas  otra  cosa  en 
lo  qual  mucho  plaser  y  seruicio  nos  fareys  e  de  lo  contrario 
avriamos  enojo.  De  Barcelona  a  XXIII  de  mayo  de  XCIII 
afios. 


Quatro  tagas  los  tres  tagones 
y  vna  taga  de  bestiones 

vn  plantel 

mas  otro  tagon 

cinco  pedagos  de  plata 

dos  cucharas  de  plata 

vn  trexillo  verde  guarnecido 
de  plata 

vna  hevilla  de  plata 

quinientos  reales 

quatro  justos  e  medio 

catorse  castellanos 

veynte  e  cinco  doblas 


nueve  ducados  6  medio 

dos  florines 

quatro   cientos   e   sesenta  e 

quatro  reales 
cinco  castellanos  £  medio 
syete  ducados 
tres  justos 
tres  doblas 
dos  florines 
treynta   e   tres  marauedis  € 

medio 

veynte  i  seys  doblas  £  media 
ocho  florines 


APPENDIX. 


161 


doze  ducados 

vn  espadin 

dos  axorcas  de  plata 

veynte    e    una    cuentas    de 

plata 
dos  cerxillos  6  vnos  corales 

de  aljofar 

vna  cinta  guarnecida  de  plata 
dos  axorcas  de  plata 
vn  c.etroguarnecido 
trescientos  granc.adas 
dos  sortijas  de  plata 
vn  joyal  e  tres  anus  deys  de 

plata 

cinco  sortijas  de  oro 
vna  cadencya  de  plata 
quatro  hilos  de  aljofar 
dos  manillas  de  plata 
vnos  corales  con  caentas  de 

plata 

dyeze  seys  cucharas  de  plata 
vna   axorca   e   una    manilla 

quebrada 
otro   pedac,o   de  manilla  de 

plata 
vn  tagon 

vna  cinta  guarnecida  de  plata 
quatro  tac,as 

ciento   e  treynta  e  tres  du 
cados 
tres  doblas 
cinquenta  doblas 
vn  justo 
vna  cadena  con  vna  cruz  de 

tres  brochas  la  cadena 
seys  sortijas  de  oro 
ii 


vn  hilo  de  aljofar 

veynte  e  nueve  florines  e 
medio 

ciento  e  veynte  e  ocho  du 
cados 

diez  e  nueve  justos 

ciento  e  quinze  castellanos 

sesenta  e  una  doblas 

tres  sayas,  una  uerde,  otra 
negra,  e  otra  azul 

seys  jarros  de  plata 

vn  plato  de  munjur 

dos  candeleros  con  sus  cafios 
de  plata 

quatro  platales 

vn  mogil  de  chamilor 

vna  carmillona 

tres  sortijas  de  plata 

treynta  e  quatro  reales 

seys  doblas 

nueve  castellanos  e  medio 

dies  ducados 

quatro  justos 

dos  florines 

cincuenta  e  seys  castellanos 

cincuenta  e  cinco  doblas 

seys  justos 

mas  otro  justo 

quarenta  e  nueve  ducados  e 
medio 

ocho  florines  e  medio 

treynta  e  seys  marauedis 

treynta  e  dos  doblas 

treynta  e  tres  ducados 

syete  florines  e  medio 

nueve  justos  e  medio 


1 62 


APPENDIX. 


syete  dexillos  guarnecidos  de 

plata 

vn  canto  de  plata 
vn  getro 

vn  vaso  de  plata 
otro  getro 

vna  calderuela  de  plata 
dos   escudillas   de   plata,   la 

vna  de  orejas 
vn  copon  bianco 
quatro  tacas 
seys  cucharas  de  plata 
quynientos  reales 
setenta  e  seys  reales  e  medio 
mill  e  tresyentos  e  noventa 

reales 

cinco  hilos  de  aljofar 
treynta  e  tres  cruzaclos 
treynta  e  nueve  castellanos 
cient  florines,  dos  justos 
vn  ducado  e  medio 
ciento   e    treynta    doblas    6 

media 
vn  justo 

doze  manillas  de  plata 
vna  cadenilla  de  plata 
vna  broncha  de  plata 
tres  gargillos  de  plata 


tres  axorcas  de  plata 
vna  chapa  de  plata 
quatro  cubos  de  plata 
vnas    cabegadas    de    media 

plata 
dos  garcillos  guarnecidos  de 

plata 

tres  bronchas  de  plata 
vn  getro  de  plata 
onze  cucharas  de  plata 
quinze  botones  de  plata 
vnos  caltres  e  pedagitos  de 

plata 

vn  anillo  de  oro 
vn  poco  de  aljofar 
dos  manillas  de  plata 
vna     ginta    guarnecida     de 

plata 

vnos  corales 
vn  panello  de  latora  de  da- 

masco  bianco 
vnas  faldrillas  moradas 
vn  martillo  de  trontay  viejo 
vna  saya  vieja  colorada 
setenta  varas  de  liengo 
mas   diez   e   seys   varas    de 

liengo 
vna  sauana 


Calderon,  Juan  Ortiz,  Collantes 

y  se  lleuo  asimismo  el  dicho  Diego  Cano  vn  memorial  de 
lo  que  ha  de  hazer  al  thenor  del  qual  es  este  que  se  sigue  : 

For  lo  que  vos  Diego  Cano  continue  de  la  casa  de  sus 
Altezas  aveys  de  fazer  en  esto.  Yr  camino  dicho  al  sefior 
conde  don  Alonso  que  le  hallares  en  las  garrorillas  que  para 
el  lleuays  e  recebir  el  dinero  €  oro,  plata  6  joyas  que  vos 
hara  dar  el  sefior  conde  6  yr  conello  todo  a  seuilla  e  entre- 


APPENDIX.  !63 

gargelo  todo  por  memorial  a  Francisco  Pinelo  para  los  gastos 
del  Armada  que  sus  Altezas  manda  hazer  para  enbiar  a  las 
yslas  e  tierras  firme  que  se  han  de  descobrir  £  han  de  des- 
cubrir  en  la  parte  del  mar  oceano  y  tomad  de  Francisco 
Pinelo  conoscimiento  de  todo  lo  que  entregaredes  y  trahedlo 
aqui  a  sus  Altezas  porque  con  el  se  vos  descargue  todo  ello 
y  aveys  de  dar  mucha  priesa  en  vuestro  cainino  y  poner 
mucha  diligencia  £  en  ello  y  porque  muchas  cosas  de  las 
susodichas  que  asy  aveys  de  cobrad  del  dicho  sefior  conde 
son  joyas  €  otras  cosas  de  oro  €  plata  como  veres  por  el 
dicho  memorial  recibid  lo  todo  y  venios  a  medina  y  con 
personas  que  dello  sepan  €  ante  escribano  vendedlas  y  todo 
el  dinero  junto  6  lo  que  mas  dello  pudier  des  aver  sy  alii 
hallardes  cambios  de  personas  ciertas  para  lo  dar  al  dicho 
Francisco  Pinelo  en  seuillaen  fin  de  junio  6  a  mas  tardar  a 
diez  de  jullio.  Recibid  las  cedulas  6  enbiad  las  con  correo 
propio  al  dicho  Francisco  Pinelo  y  si  esto  no  proueyerdes 
desta  manera  yd  vos  a  lo  proueer  en  la  forma  de  arriba  y 
en  todo  poned  mucho  recabdo  e  diligencia. 

XIII. 
THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

[Arch,  de  Indias.     See  Appendix  XVII.] 

EL  REY  E  LA  REYNA.  Fernando  de  Arcos  contino  de 
nuestra  casa.  Nos  vos  mandamos  que  fagays  pesquisas  6 
sepais  la  verdad,  quien  6  quales  personas  falaron  una  barjo- 
leta  con  cierto  dinero  6  otras  cosas  que  fue  perdicla  en  tierra 
de  Zamora  por  ciertos  judios  al  tiempo  que  salieron  de  nues- 
tros  Reynos,  €  quien  6  quales  personas  tienen  qualesquier 
piezas  de  oro  de  las  questavan  en  la  dicha  barjoleta. 


1 64  APPENDIX. 

XIV. 

THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 
[Ibid.     See  Appendix  XVII.] 

A  el  consejo  de  Olmedo.  Nos  vos  mandamos  que  las 
ciento  i  setenta  piezas  de  oro  que  teneis  de  lo  que  se  hallo  en 
la  barjoleta  que  se  perdio  en  tierra  de  Zamora  3.  ciertos  judios 
que  la  llevan  hurtada  contra  nuestro  vedamiento,  las  dedes 
e"  entreguedes  por  memorial  que  piezas  son  a  Bernaldino  de 
Lerma  para  que  las  de  e  pague  en  la  ciudad  de  Sevilla  a 
Francisco  Pinelo  para  los  gastos  de  la  Armada  que  man 
damos  facer  para  enbiar  a  las  Indias. 

XV. 
THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

[Ibid.     See  Appendix  X  VII.  ] 

EL  REY  E  LA  REYNA.  Diego  de  Medina,  platero,  vecino 
de  Zamora.  Nos  vos  mandamos  que  todos  e  qualesquier 
maravedis,  oro  e  plata  e  joyas  e  otras  cosas  que  en  vuestro 
poder  estan  y  dejo  depositados  por  nuestro  mandado  Juan 
de  Soria,  secretario  del  Principe  nuestro,  de  lo  que  se  tom6 
que  habian  dejado  algunos  judios  al  tiempoque  por  nuestro 
mandado  salieron  de  nuestros  Reynos,  y  antes  segund  que 
todo  est&  por  un  memorial  firmado  de  vuestro  nombre,  lo 
dedes  y  entreguedes  luego  todo  sin  falta  alguna  a  Bernaldino 
de  Lerma  que  es  nuestra  merced  que  lo  reciba  para  fazer 
dello  lo  que  nuestra  merced  e  voluntad  fuere. 

Estos  son  los  maravedis  e  joyas  i  cosas  que  yo,  Diego  de 
Medina,  platero,  vecino  de  esta  ciudad  de  Zamora,  tengo 
rescibida  por  mano  del  muy  noble  Juan  de  Soria,  secretario 
del  principe  nuestro  Sefior,  pesquisidor  y  ejecutor  del  Rey  y 
de  la  Reyna,  sobre  las  cosas  tocante  a  los  judios. 


APPENDIX.  165 

Primeramente  que  recibi  para  en  pago  de 

doscientos  ducados  que  dio  la  muger  de 

Diego  Guiral,  el  dinero  e  joyas  siguientes  : 
Pre    ciento  i    veynte    e   seys    ducados   que 

montan  *XIVIIMCCL 

Item  veynte  i  quatuor  castellanosque  montan  XIMDCXI 
Item  en  ducados  recebidos  y  castellanos         XIIM 
Item  ocho  justos  a  DIXXX  cacla  uno,  montan  IIIIMDCXI 
Item  tres  doblas,  la  una  navarresa,  montan    IMXCV 
Item  una  corona  nueva  vale  CCCXIC  MCCCXIC 

Item  treze  sortijas  que  pesaron  diez  e  seis 

ducados  menos  quinze  granos,  la  una  con 

un  zafir  fals,  e  las  seys  de  oro  de  florines, 

6  las  otras  de  oro  de  veynte  quilates 
Item  recibimos  un    texillo  morado  de  tela 

angosta  con  labor,  hevilla  de  plata  dorada 

con  doze  tachones 
Item  tres  manillas  de  plata  y  unas  sortijuelas 

que  peso  todo  veynte  e  dos  reales  e  medio, 

e"  una  piedra  de  diez  pistal  guarnecida  en 

plata,  e  un  cos 
En  ocho  de  Enero  de  XCIII  afios  recibi  de 

Alonso    Rodriguez    Zurrador   de   ciertas 

cosas  que  se  fallaron  en  su  poder 
Recibi    de    Anton    Gomez   de   Sevilla    tres 

doblos  que  montan  IMXCV 

Item  recibi  del  sobredicho  Anton  Gomez  tres 

ochavas  y  un  quartillo  de  aljofar  menudo 

i  un  centillo  de  Navarra 
En  4.  de  diciembre  de  XCII  afios  recibi  una 

taza  que  pezo  dos  marcos  menos  una  once 

e  dos  trupiftas  de  seda  que  no  valan  nada, 

6  unos  coralitos,  monto  en  la  tasa  IIIMDCCI 

Recibi  de  un  labrador  : 

*  The  Roman  numerals  in  the  margin   represent   maravedis. 
XIVIIMCCL  =  16,250. 


1 66  APPENDIX. 

una  dobla  e  un  castellano 

cierta  planta  bujo 

un  camafeo  guarnecido  de  plata 

onze  coralitos  de  gajos 

moneda  de  cobre  que  vale  C 

un  almlzar 

un  almojado  de  seda 

dos  telas 

dos  canutos  de  oro  de  luto 
Recibi  de  Juan  de  Bilhorado  : 

diez  ducados  que  montan  IIIMDCCI 

los   quales  el  havia  traido   de  judios   de 

Portugal  a  Castilla 
Recibi  de  Anton   Herrador  de  la  hazienda 

que  se  hallo  en  la  casa  del  Aimero  de  Toro, 

Benito  de  Chaver,  que  se  averiguo  haver 

quedado  en  su  poder  de  unos  judios  : 

veynte  €  cinque  doblas,  la  una  nabarresca, 

tasada  en  un  florin  IXMXXV 

diez  e  seys  castellanos,  el  uno  bajo  que 
vale  300  montan 

seis  curriques  viejos  que  montan  IIMDCCCL 

trece  reales  de  plata  menuda  que  montan  CCCX 
Toras 

que  recibi  de  Alvaro  de  Ledesma  : 

ocho  toras,  las  dos  de  damasco  truefio,  la 

otra  colorada,  y  otra  azul,  traidas 
Item  las  otras  quatuor  de  otros  colores  en 

que  la  una  de  ellas  es  de  lienzo, 
otro  tal  que  dio  Alonso  de  la  Cuba  Aleo 
cinco  toras,  la  una  de  seda  azul  y  las  dos 

verdes 
Recibi  de  Alonso  de  Manzars0 : 

syete   toras   de   zerzusa   viejas,    e    honze 

pedacitos  de  seda  de  una  de  las  dichas 

toras  viejas 


APPENDIX.  167 

Recibi 

quatuor  tazas  de  plata 
tres  tejillos  con  sus  telas 
sesenta  cucharas 
vnasortija  de  oro  de  sellan 
syete  zarzillos  con  una  sortija  de  plata 
vn  hilo  de  corales 

vna  ropa  razagante  de  brocado  raso 
carmin  nueva 
dos  coberturas  de  toras,  vna  vieja  de  brocado  y  otra  de 

zarza  bien  traida 
la  plata  que  se  tomo  a  Inigo  de  Ribas  Altas  que  pri- 

mero  se  llamaba     ...     la  qual  era  de  su  suegra, 

judia,  que  quedo  em  Portogal 
Recibi 
tres  briales  de  chamelote  traido  negro,  e  otro  de  Cotyny, 

e  otro  de  Londres  verde  traido 
Recibi  de  Garcia  de  Janelas  : 
tres  coberturas  de  toras,  la  una  de  carmesi,  aforrada  de 

lienzo  azul,  descosida,  la  otra  de  terciopilo  azul,  des- 

forrada   en  pano  Colorado,  la    otra  de  zarzahan  de 

labores,  aforrada  en  lienzo  negro  roto 
mas  una  sabana  blanca  de  seda 
una  tora  como  almarizal  de  lienzo 
las  orillas  coloradas  e  los  cubos  de  seda  con  sus  froza- 

duras 

mas  una  funda  de  lienzo  con  labores  de  seda 
mas   dos   corno   hazalejas    destamefia  verde,  con   sus 

frozaduras  de  seda  e  unas  labores,  e  los  cubos  de 

desilado 
mas  una  funda  de  almadraqueja  rota,  en  que  estaba 

embuelto  todo. 


1 68  APPENDIX. 

XVI. 
THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

[Arch,  de  Indias.     See  Appendix  XVII.'} 

EL  KEY  E  LA  REYNA.  Luis  Nunez  Coronel,  vecino  de 
Zamora.  Nos  vos  mandamos  que  todo  el  dinero,  €  oro,  6 
plata,  d  otras  joyas  €  cosas  que  Rabi  Frain  judio,  vecino  de 
Burgos,  dejo  en  poder  de  Dofia  Isabel  Osorio,  vuestra 
muger,  segun  quella  lo  manifesto  a  Juan  de  Soria,  e  maslos 
4,850  ducados  que  quedaste  deviendo  a  un  judio  de  unas 
casas  que  del  comparasteis,  lo  vedes  y  entreguedes  luego 
todo  sin  falta  alguna  al  dicho  Bernaldino  de  Lerma. 

De  Barcelona  a  XXIII  dias  de  Mayo  de  XCIII  afios. 

Yo  el  Rey.     Yo  la  Reyna. 

un  joyal  de  plata  dorado 
veynte  e  quatuor  gs°  de  oro  pequefios 
tres  gs°  de  oro  moriscos 
dos  hilos  de  aljofar 
vn  mondadientes  de  oro 
vna  jarra  de  plata 

tres  guarniciones  de  plata  de  texillos  con  doze  tachones 
vna  cobertura  de  alto  holera  de  oro 
vna  suelta  sabadas,  que  pesa  vn  marco  de  plata 
vn  coranzoncillo  de  oro 
vna  caja  de  tahali 
veynte  e  cinque  ducados 
tres  frutos  e  medio 
vn  mantillo  do  cotay 

dos  emboltorios  y  tres  cabezones  de  oro  de  camisas  y 
otras  menudencias. 


APPENDIX.  169 

XVII. 
THE  JEWS  AND  COLUMBUS'S  SECOND  VOYAGE. 

[This  and  the  four  preceding  documents,  App,  XIII.-XVI.,  are 
taken  from  Arch,  de  Indias  Pto  i-i-i§.;  Documentos  ineditos 
de  Indias,  XXI.  418  sq.~\ 

EL  REY  E  LA  REYNA.  Fern.  Nunez  Coronel.  Nos  ha- 
bemos  sabidos  y  parece  por  cierta  pesquisa,  que  al  tiempo 
que  pornuestro  manclado  salieron  de  nuestros  Reynos  los 
judios,  quedaron  en  vuestro  poder  fasta  XI  marcos  de  plata 
de  Abraham  Aven  Rubi,  los  quales  pertenecen  &  nos,  por 
haber  sacado  de  moneda  y  cosas  vedades  de  nuestros  Rey 
nos  el  dicho  Abraham  Aven  Rubi  :  por  ende  Nos  vos 
mandamos  que  dedes  €  entreguedes  los  dichos  XI  marcos 
de  plata  a  Bernaldino  de  Lerma,  contino  de  nr»  casa,  al 
qual  mandamos  que  los  reciba  a  la  cibdad  de  Sevilla  a 
Francisco  Pinelo,  para  paguar  los  gastos  del  Armada  que 
mandamos  facer  a  las  Indias. 

De  Barcelona  a  XXIII  de  Mayo  de  XCIII  afios. 

Yo  el  Rey.     Yo  la  Reyna. 

XVIII. 
QUEEN  JUANA  AND  THE  MARRANOS  OF  ESPAN"OLA  (1511). 

[Arch,  de  Indias,  lib.  I,  fol.  120 ;  Coleccion  de  Documentos 
ine'ditos.  Seg.  seria  (Madrid,  1890),  V.  307  sg.] 

D.  JUANA  por  las  gracias  de  Dios  Reyna  de  Castilla,  de 
Leon  .  .  .  delas  Yndias  yslas  e  tierra  firme  del  mar 
oceano  .  .  .  Por  quanto  yo  he  seydo  ynformado  que 
en  la  ysla  espanolay  las  otras  yslas  yndias  e  tierra  firme  del 
mar  oceano  scan  pasado  se  pasan  destas  partes  muchos  yjos 
e  nyetos  de  quemados  a  causa  de  les  estar  proydido  e  de  be- 
gado  por  leyes  e  prematicas  destos  Reynos  que  no  puedan 
tener  ny  usar  nyngunos  oficios  Reales  ny  publicos  por  los 


APPENDIX. 

poder  aver  y  usar  alia  deziendo  no  estenderse  en  esas  dichas 
yslas  e  tierra  firme  la  dicha  prematica  e  provycion  e  veda- 
miento,  e  porque  muy  merced  e  voluntad  es  por  lo  que  a  mi 
toca  et  atafie  que  tan  bien  se  estiendan  y  entiendan  alia  lo 
suso  dicho  et  que  agora  ny  de  aqui  adelante  tanto  quanto  mi 
merced  e  voluntad  fuere  nyngund  fijo  ny  nyeto  de  quemado 
no  pueda  thener  ny  usar  en  las  dichas  yndias  e  tierra  firme 
nyngund  oficio  real  ny  publico  visto  por  algunos  del  dicho 
muy  consejo  fue  acordado  que  devya  mandar  dar  otra  mi 
carta  de  la  dicha  Razon  la  qual  quiero  que  balya  por  pre 
matica  asi  como  sy  fuese  fecha  e  promulgada  en  cartes  por 
la  qual  espresamente  defiende  que  agora  ny  de  aqui  adelan 
te  tanto  quanto  my  merced  e  voluntad  fuere  por  lo  que  a  mi 
toca  que  nyngunos  nyn  algunos  nyetos  ny  fijos  de  quema- 
dos  no  puedan  thener  ny  thenga  ny  usen  ny  exerciten  por 
sy  por  ninguna  via  directa  ny  yndirecta  nyngunos  oficios 
Reales  nyn  publicos  ny  concejales  ny  otros  algunos  que  les 
scan  proyvidos  e  vedados  por  leyes  e  prematicas  destos 
Reynos  en  esa  dicha  ysla  espafiola  ny  en  las  otras  yslas  e 
tierre  firme  del  mar  oceano  so  pena  que  los  que  tovyesen 
e  usen  sin  tener  avilitacion  de  nos  para  ello  por  la  primera 
vez  cagyan  e  yncurran  en  pena  de  perdimiento  de  los  tales 
oficios,  e  por  la  segunda  pierda  los  dichos  oficios  que  to- 
viere  e  mas  la  meytad  de  sus  bienes,  e  por  la  tercera  pierda 
los  dichos  oficios  que  asi  toviere  e  mas  todos  sus  bienes  para 
la  camara  e  fisco  del  Rey  mi  sefior  e  padre  e  mya,  eque  po- 
damos  fazer  merced  de  los  tales  oficios  e  bienes  aquien  nues- 
tra  merced  e  voluntad  fuere,  e  poresta  mi  carta  mandoalos 
nuestro  governador  visorrey  y  capitanes  e  otras  justicias 
qualesquiera  que  agora  son  o  fueran  delas  dichas  yndias  que 
esecutan  e  fagan  esecutar  las  dichas  penas  en  las  tales  per- 
sonas  e  oficios  e  sus  bienes  que  fueren  fijos  e  nyetos  deque- 
mados  luego  que  a  su  noticia  venieren  e  tovieren  ynforma- 
cion  bastante  que  los  que  ansi  tovieren  los  tales  oficios 
Reales  Publicos  concejiles  son  fijos  o  nyetos  de  quemados 
como  dicho  es,  e  porque  lo  suso  dicho  sea  notorio  e  dello 


APPENDIX.  iji 

nynguno  pueda  pretender  ygnorancia  mando  questa  mi 
cedula  sea  pregonada  por  las  plazas  e  mercados  e  otros 
lugares  e  partes  acostumbrados  desas  dichas  yslas  yndias 
por  pregonero  e  ante  escrivano  publico. 

Dad.  de  Burgos  a  cinco  dias  del  mes  de  octubre  afio  del 
nascimiento  del  nuestro  sefior  de  mill  e  quinientos  e  bonze 
aftos. 

Yo  el  Key. 


INDEX. 


ABADIA,  Juan  de  la,  36,  37. 
Abbas,  Samuel  Ibn,  14. 
Abd-el-Hacer,  Jacob,  75. 
Aben  Crescas,  Abiatar,  24. 
Aboab,  Isaac,  teacher  of  Zacuto, 

112. 

Abolafia,  Juan,  34. 
Aborigines  of  America,  origin  of, 

95-99- 

Abraham  of  Beja,  searches  for 
Covilh2o,  19,  2O. 

Abravanel,  Isaac,  92,  118  ;  career 
of,  in  Portugal  and  Spain, 
52-54  ;  lends  money  to  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella,  77,  78  ;  in 
tercedes  for  the  Jews,  84. 

Abravanel,  Juda,  53. 

Abravanel,  Samuel,  53. 

Acklin  Island,  92. 

Aden,  19. 

Adret,  Isabel,  90. 

Adret,  Solomon,  90. 

Affonso  de  Castro,  Martin,  131. 

Affonso  V.  of  Portugal,  26,  53. 

Africa,  I,  88,  92  ;  exploration 
of,  2,  4,  5,  16-20,  in  ;  In 
quisition  in,  129. 

Agreement  of  Santa  Fe,  85,  86. 

Ailly,  Pierre  d',  Imago  Mundi 
of,  13,  14,  18. 

Albacer,  Juan  de,  67. 


Alberto,  Carlo,  Duke  of  Genoa, 
89. 

Albuquerque,  Affonso  d',  assist 
ed  by  Jews,  119-121. 

Albuquerque,  Francisco  d',  119- 
121. 

Alcaldes,  84. 

Alcala  de  Henares,  archives  of, 

33.  63,  90- 

Alcaniz,  the  Santangels  in,  63. 

Aleppo,  20,  131. 

Alexander  VI.,  a  friend  of  the 

Jews,  103. 
Alexandria,  I,  114. 
Alfonso,  brother  of  Henry  IV.  of 

Castile,  proclaimed  king,   23  ; 

death  of,  24. 

Alfonso  IV.  of  Aragon,  3. 
Alfonso  V.  of  Aragon,  63,  64, 

75- 

Alfonso  X.  of  Castile,  75. 
Alfonso  XI.  of  Castile,  75. 
Algeciras,  siege  of,  75. 
Alhambra,  30,  58,  82. 
Aljoro,  Abbot  of,  68,  69. 
Almanack  Perpctuum  of  Zacuto, 

47-5L 

Almazan,  Miguel  de,  29. 
Almazan,  Pedro  de,  30,  36. 
Almeida,  Francisco  d',  Viceroy 

of  India,  118. 


174 


INDEX. 


Alonso,  Count,  kinsman  of 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  106. 

Alonso,  Maestre,  95. 

Alvares,  Alonso,  133. 

Alvares,  Fernando,  106. 

Alvares,  Juan,  133. 

America,  103,  in;  discovery  of, 
70,  8 1,  91,  97,  102,  126  ;  abori 
gines  of,  95-99  ;  Marranos  in, 
127-134  ;  Inquisition  in,  129- 

134. 

Amsterdam,  96. 
Anchediva,  113. 
Andalusia,  21 ;  Columbus  in,  12. 
Angleria,  Pedro  Martyr  d',  57, 

81. 

Angulo,  Alonso  de,  77,  78. 
Arabian  Gulf,  119. 
Aragon,  6,  22,  61,  75,  76  ;  navy 

of,  1-3  ;  under  Juan  II.,  23- 

26,  66  ;  Marranos  of,  27-30  ; 

Inquisition  in,   34-40  ;  cortcs 

°f>    35»    3^>  63  •  Justitia  of, 

125,  126.     See  Ferdinand  the 

Catholic  ;  Juan  II. 
Aragonese,    76  ;    in  Columbus's 

fleet,  89;  in  America,  123. 
Arbues,  Pedro,  assassinated,  35- 

37,  66. 
Archives,    Spanish,   33,  63,  77, 

90. 
Aristotle,  read  by  Columbus,  13, 

14. 

Artal,  Juan,  30. 
Asia,  2,  129,  132. 
Astrolabe,  improvement  of,  8,  9. 
Astronomy,  studied  by  Jews,  8, 

9,  112.     See  Zacuto. 


Atayde,  Alexander  d',  assists 
Albuquerque,  120,  121. 

Avarice  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella,  31,  83,  84,  108,  109, 
134  ;  of  Columbus,  59,  81,  86, 

122. 

Avignon,  101. 
Avila,  Bishop  of,  77,  78  ;  sailors 

from,  89. 
Ayamonte,  Rodrigo  de  Jerez  of, 

93- 

Azores,  discovery  of  the,  8  ; 
Columbus  near  the,  100. 

BABYLONIA,  63. 

Badajoz,  bishopric  of,   77,  78. 

Bagdad,  19. 

Barbary,  Jews  in,  92. 

Barbastro,  Jews  and   Marranos 

in,  36,  60,  63,  68,  69. 
Barcelona,   I,  2,   6,   7,  88,  102  ; 

Inquisition   in,    35,    38,    39  ; 

Columbus  in,    101,   103,   no, 

122. 

Barrameda,  129. 
Barthomeu,  Raymundo,  6. 
Beaconsfield,  ancestors  of,  71. 
Behaim,  Martin,  9  ;  intercourse 

of,  with  Columbus,  12. 
Behring  Straits,  97. 
Beja,  royal  residence  at,  112. 
Beja,  Abraham  of,  in  Africa,  19, 

20. 

Beltraneja,  nickname  of  Juana 

of  Castile,  22. 
Benjamin  of  Tudela,  travels  of, 

2. 
Benveniste  of  Calahorra,  107. 


INDEX. 


175 


Beradi,  Juonato,  no. 

Bernal,  Maestre,  90,  123. 

Bernaldez,  Andres,  81,  87. 

Berrachina,  Caspar  de,  29. 

Berri,  Duke  of,  26. 

Bible,  read  by  Columbus,  15. 

Bocratv  Abraham,  47. 

Bogado,  Tristan,  87. 

Bordeaux,  67. 

Braganza,     Alvaro    Nunez    of, 

134. 

Braganza,  House  of,  53. 
Bran,  Juan,  105. 
Brazil,  discovery  of,    116,  117  ; 

Marranos  in,  129. 
Briviesca,  Ximeno  of,  122. 
Bull  of  Demarcation,  103. 
Burgos,  Jewish  property  in,  104, 

107-109. 

CABALLERIA,  De  la,  family  of, 

28,  123. 
Caballeria,  Alfonso    de    la,  28, 

36,  59 

Caballeria,  Anna  de  la,  6r. 
Caballeria,   Bonafos  de    la,  28, 

60. 

Caballeria,  Felipe  de  la,  76. 
Caballeria,  Jaime  de  la,  28. 
Caballeria,  Juan  de  la,  65. 
Caballeria,  Juana  de  la,  123. 
Caballeria,   Luis  de  la,  28,  29, 

63- 

Caballeria,  Martin  de  la,  29. 
Caballeria,  Pedro  de  la,  26. 
Caballero,   Diego,  129. 
Caballero,  Juan,  129. 
Cabezas,  Alonso  de  las,  77,  78. 


Cabra,  Pedro  de  la,  30. 

Cabral,  Pedro  Alvarez,  expe 
dition  of,  116,  117. 

Cabrera,  Andreas  de,  27. 

Cabrero,  Juan,  30,  59,  72,  84. 

Cabrero,  Martin,  72. 

Caceres,  89. 

Caciques,  49,  50,  95,  98. 

Cacuto.     See  Zacuto. 

Cadiz,  88  ;  Inquisition  in,  34 ; 
Columbus  in,  104.  See  Calis. 

Cairo,  19,  117,  121. 

Cairo,  Samuel  of,  120. 

Calahorra,  merchants  in,  107. 

Calahorra,  Benveniste  of,  107. 

Calatayud,  Marranos  of,  29,  36, 
60,  61,  63,  64,  69. 

Calicut,  19,  116,  121. 

Calis  (*.  e.  Cadiz),  island  of,  50, 

Si- 

Calle,  Alonso  de  la,  90. 
Calle  del  Coso,  a  street  in  Sara- 

gossa,  37. 

Camacho,  revolt  of,  against  Co 
lumbus,  123. 
Cananor,  119. 
Canaries,    Columbus   near    the, 

TOO. 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  113,  129  ; 

discovery  of,  20. 
Cape  Verd,  116  ;  discovery  of,  8. 
Caravels  of   Columbus,  78,  86, 

89. 
Carillo,  Alfonso,  Archbishop  of 

Toledo,  26. 
Carlos  of  Viana,  death  of,  23, 

24. 
Carsoni,  Jacob,  9. 


176 


INDEX. 


Cartagena,  Jews  sail  from,  88. 

Cartography,  study  of,  6. 

Casafranca,  Jaime  of,  39,  104. 

Castellano,  Diogo  Ortiz,  9. 

Castile,  42,  70,  75,  76,  93; 
Jews  in,  3,  53,  83  ;  under 
Henry  IV.,  22-27  I  Marranos 
in,  27-31  ;  Inquisition  in,  32- 
35.  See  Henry  IV.;  Isabella. 

Castilians,  in  Columbus's  fleet, 
89  ;  in  America,  123. 

Castro,  Antonio  de,  105. 

Castro,     Martin     Affonso     de, 

I3i- 

Castrojeriz,  89. 

Catalonia,  I,  2 ;  revolt  in,  22, 
23,  66  ;  Inquisition  in,  34,  38, 
39-  66. 

Cataluna,  7. 

Catanes,  Julian,  105. 

Cathay,   15. 

Catholics  in  America,  126. 

Cea,  Duarte  Nunez  de,  133. 

Celdran,  Pedro,  125,  126. 

Cemeteries  of  Jews,  87. 

Cerda,  Luis  de  la,  Duke  of  Me- 
dina-Celi,  21,  42. 

Cerdena  (*'.  e.  Sardinia),  124 ; 
conquest  of,  3. 

Cervera,  Jews  in,  24. 

Ceuta,  conquest  of,  4,  5  ;  Bish 
op  of,  9,  16. 

Chamorro,  Moses,  60. 

Chronicles,  Books  of,  read  by 
Columbus,  13. 

Church  Fathers,  read  by  Colum 
bus,  13. 

Cifuentes,  Count  of,  105. 


Cipango,  15,  16,  93. 
Circumcision  among  the  Indians, 

98. 

Ctudad-Real,  Inquisition  in,  34. 
Clementes,  family  of,  60. 
Clergy  of  Spain,  30 ;  taxation  of, 

31- 
Cloth  imported  from  Lombardy, 

71- 

Cochin,  116,  118. 

Cohen,  Joseph,  works  of,  101. 

Coimbra,  Jews  in,  60  ;  Inquisi 
tion  in,  129. 

Colom.     See  Columbus. 

Colom,  Andreas,  40. 

Colom,  Blancha,  40. 

Colom,  Francisca,  40. 

Coloma,  Juan  de,  83,  85. 

Colombina  in  Seville,  13,  14,  17, 
48. 

Colon.     See  Columbus. 

Colonies  of  Spain  and  Portugal, 
127-134. 

Columbo,  131. 

Columbus,  Bartholomew,  18. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  8  ;  birth 
and  education  of,  n  ;  called 
Colon  or  Colom,  II,  40  ;  in 
Portugal,  11-13,  15-18,  20; 
relations  of,  to  the  Jews,  12, 
13,  16-18,  46-52,  54,  59,  81  ; 
scientific  equipment  of ,  13-15  ; 
goes  to  Spain,  20-22  ;  nego 
tiates  with  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella,  40-46,  51,  52,  55-59.  85, 
86  ;  fanaticism  of,  43,  80,  81, 
126  ;  relations  of,  to  Zacuto, 
48-51 ;  to  Abravanel,  52,  54  ; 


r 


to  Santangel,  59,  69-79,  93, 
100-103,  123  ;  avarice  of,  59, 
81,  86,  122  ;  journal  of,  80, 
8 1  ;  agreement  of,  with  Fer 
dinand  and  Isabella,  85,  86  ; 
first  voyage  of,  86,  87,  91-95, 
100  ;  German  poem  on,  88,  89  ; 
fleet  of,  89-91  ;  letters  of,  to 
Santangel  and  Sanchez,  93, 
100-103  ;  Jews  and  second 
voyage  of,  103-111,  157-169  ; 
disgrace  and  downfall  of,  ill, 
122  ;  discoveries  of,  117  ; 
death  of,  123,  125. 

Columbus,  Diego,  20,  55. 

Compass,  improvement  of,  8. 

Conference  of  Salamanca,  45, 
46,  51,  52. 

Cordova,  37  ;  Inquisition  in,  34  ; 
Columbus  in,  42-45,  55;  Junta 
of,  43-45,  52. 

Corduba,  Alfonso  de,  48. 

Coronado,  Luis,  133. 

Coronel,  Luis  Nunez,  107,  108. 

Cortes,  28,  29,  32,  62  ;  of  Cata 
lonia,  23  ;  of  Castile,  27  ;  of 
Aragon,  35,  36,  63,  64. 

Cortes,  Fernando,  101. 

Cortes,  Garcia,  107. 

Cosco,  Leandro  de,  102. 

Cosmography,  10,  IOT,  112. 

Costelleto,  101. 

Covilhao,  Pedro  de,  explores 
India,  18-20. 

Crescas,  Abiatar  Aben,  24. 

Cresques,  Abraham,  6. 

Cresques,  Azay,  8. 

Cresques,  Hasdai,  7. 

12 


INDEX.  177 

X*s  ,/T^ni 

^^^..^     •*  «i     -v   i 

Cresques,  Jafuda  Lobell,  8. 

Cresques,  Jehuda,  6-8.  See 
Ribes. 

Cresques,  Solomon,  8. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  allows  Jews  to 
return  to  England,  96. 

Cuba,  Columbus  in,  93  ;  Luis  de 
Torres  in,  93-95  ;  Jews  in, 
97  ;  Indians  of,  98. 

Cueva,  Beltran  de  la,  22. 

Cufo  or  Hucefe,  assists  Albu 
querque,  1 20,  121. 

Customs,  royal,  34  ;  farmed  by 
the  Santangels,  65,  70,  71. 

DAROCA,  Jews  and  Marranos  of, 
60,  61,  63. 

Debts  due  to  expelled  Jews,  87, 
104,  107,  109. 

Demarcation,  Bull  of,  103. 

Deza,  Diego  de,  Bishop  of  Sala 
manca,  45-47,  51.  52. 

Diaz,  Bartholomew,  reaches  Cape 
of  Good  Hope,  20. 

Discoveries  and  explorations, 
Portuguese,  I,  4,  5,  8-10,  15- 
20,  102,  103,  IH-I2I  ;  Span 
ish,  i,  70,  71,  81,  91,  97,  loo- 
103,  in,  117,  126. 

Domain,  royal,  farmed,  65. 

Dominica,  discovery  of,  in. 

Dominicans,  30. 

Don  Jehudano,  2. 

Don  Juda,  treasurer  of  the  Queen 
of  Castile,  3. 

Don  Profatius,  9. 

Doria,  Andrea,  121. 

Duns  Scotus,  13. 


178 


INDEX. 


Durango,  Vidal,  36,  37. 
Dutch,  the,  in  alliance  with  the 
Marranos,  131,  132. 

EDICT     expelling    Jews     from 

Spain,  58,  82-84. 
Egypt,  i,  2. 
Eli,   Leonardo    or   Samuel    de, 

35- 
Emigration  of  Marranos  to  the 

Indies,  128-134. 
England,  26. 
Enrique,     Cardinal,     regent    of 

Portugal,  130,  132. 
Enriquez,  Beatrice,  Columbus's 

mistress,  55. 
Enriquez,  Fadrique,  admiral  of 

Castile,  23. 
Enriquez,  Juana,   wife  of   Juan 

II.  of  Aragon,  23,  24. 
Ephemerides  of  Johannes  Miiller, 

48. 

Ephraim,  Rabbi,  107. 
Escribano   de   radon,  officer  of 

the  royal  household,  70,  125. 
Espanola,  Marranos  of,  90,  127- 

129,169-171  ;  discovered,  95  ; 

Indians  of,  98. 
Esperandeu,  Juan  de,  36,  37. 
Esperandeu,  Salvador  de,  37. 
Esra,  Abraham  Ibn,  9  ;  writings 

of,  14. 

Ethiopia,  18. 
Eugene  IV.,  15. 
Evora,  Inquisition  in,  129. 
Explorations.     See  Discoveries. 
Exportation,    laws    prohibiting, 

82. 


Expulsion  of  Jews  from  Spain, 

58,  64,   68,  80-91,    104-110; 
from  Portugal,  128. 

Ezra,  Fourth  Book  of,  15. 

FANATICISM,  of  Columbus,  43, 
80,  8 1,  126  ;  of  Spanish  rulers, 

43.  134- 

Faquin,  Juceff,  3. 

Farisol,  Abraham,  works  of,  101. 

Ferdinand  I.  of  Aragon,  61. 

Ferdinand  I.  of  Castile,  75. 

Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  17;  birth 
of,  23  ;  relations  of,  to  the 
Santangels,  66,  68,  70-72,  75, 
76,  78,  123-125.  See  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella. 

Ferdinand  of  Portugal,  Prince, 

53- 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  101, 
127  ;  negotiate  with  Colum 
bus,  21,  40-46,  51-59,  72-79, 
85,  86  ;  marriage  of,  24-26  ; 
relations  of,  to  the  Marranos, 
28,  29  ;  introduce  the  Inquisi 
tion,  31,  41,  66  ;  war  of,  with 
the  Moors,  31,  32,  41,  44,  56- 

59,  72,  76,  77,  84  ;  avarice  of, 
31,    83,    84,    108,    109,     134; 
fanaticism  of,  43,  134  ;  expel 
Jews,  80-91  ;  use  Jewish  prop 
erty   for    Columbus's    second 
voyage,      103-110,     157-169; 
withdraw  their  favor  from  Co 
lumbus,  in,  122,  123. 

Fernandez,  Garcia,  56. 
Fernandez  de  Vilanova,  Alfonso, 
53- 


INDEX. 


179 


Fernandina,  93. 

Ferrara,  101. 

Ferrer,  Jaime,  5. 

Ferrer,  Vicente,  60. 

Fleet  for  Columbus's  first  voyage, 

89-91  ;  for  his  second  voyage, 

104-111. 

Fleet-tax  of  Portuguese  Jews,  4. 
Fonseca,    Juan    Rodriguez    de, 

104,  122. 

Fraga,  Jews  of,  60. 
France,  7,  32,  46,  55,  66,  88. 
Franchetti,  Baron  Albert,  89. 
Franciscans,  8r. 
Frankl,  Ludwig   August,   poem 

of,  on  Columbus,  88,  89. 
Frederick  III.,  Emperor,  15. 

GAMA,  Caspar  da,  life  of,  113- 
119. 

Gama,  Vasco  da,  expedition  of, 
to  India,  112-115,  118,  119. 

Garcia,  Gregorio,  96. 

Caspar  de  las  Indias,  115. 

Gavison,  Abraham,  48. 

Genoa,  1,11,20, 101  jDukeof.Sg. 

Genoese  merchants  and  mari 
ners,  71,  91. 

Gerona,  rabbi  of,  39. 

Gilbert,  Juan,  63. 

Ginneu,  Benedict,  104. 

Girardi,  the  Genoese,  16. 

Giustiniani,  Agostino,  praises 
Columbus,  8 1. 

Goa,  the  metropolis  of  India,  19, 
113,  114,  119-121,  129,  132. 

Gold,  Columbus's  search  for,  15, 
43,  86,  93,  100  ;  in  India,  117. 


Gomara,    Francisco    Lopez   de, 

101. 

Gomez  of  Huesca,  Alfonso,  63. 
Good  Hope,  Cape  of,  113,  129  ; 

discovered.  20. 
Granada,   85,   114  ;    Archbishop 

of,   33.  44,   77.   78;    conquest 

of,  56-58,  66  ;   Columbus  in, 

59,  86. 

Great  Khan,  kingdom  of,  93. 
Greece,  2. 
Gricio,  Caspar,  83. 
Guadaloupe,  in. 
Guanahani,  discovered,  91-93. 
Guinea,  5,  13,  17. 
Guiral,  Diego,  106. 
Gurrea,  Francisco,  29. 
Gurrea,  Caspar,  61. 
Gurrea,  Pedro,  61. 
Guzman,   Enrique   de,   Duke  of 

Medina-Sidonia,  20. 

HAMBURG,  131. 

Hasan,  Muley  Abul,  30. 

Hayti,  98.      See  Espanola. 

Hebrew,  the  language  of  the 
Indians,  98. 

Henry  IV.  of  Castile,  reign  of, 
22-27. 

Henry  the  Navigator,  4,  5,  8,  15. 

Herrera,  Garcia  de,  107. 

Hidalgos  in  America,  in. 

Hijar,  Jews  of,  64. 

Hispaniola.     See  Espanola. 

Holland,  131. 

Hucefe,  a  Jew,  assists  Albuquer 
que,  120,  121. 

Huelva,  20. 


1 8o 


INDEX. 


Huesca,  68. 

Humboldt,  Alexander  von,  5. 

IBERIAN  PENINSULA,  120,  134. 
Ibn  Abbas,  Samuel,  14. 
Ibn  Esra,  Abraham,  9,  14. 
Idol    worship    among    Indians, 

99- 
Imago  Mundi  of  Pierre  d'Ailly, 

13,  14,  18. 
India,  expeditions  to,  18,  19,  42, 

80,  in,  113-121;  Inquisition 

in,  129.     See  Indies. 
Indian  Ocean,  117. 
Indians,   origin  of,    95-99,  153- 

156  ;  oppressed  by  Columbus, 

122. 

Indias,  Caspar  de  las,  115. 

Indies,  78,  85,  100  ;  Marranos  in 
the,  128-134.  See  India. 

Inquisition,  in  Sicily,  31  ;  in 
Spain,  31-41,  66-72,  79,  82- 
84,  90,  no,  125,  128,  129  ; 
in  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
colonies,  127-134 ;  in  Portu 
gal,  128-130. 

Interpreters,  Jewish,  120. 

Inventories  of  Jewish  property, 
106-108,  160-168. 

Isaac  of  Sujurmente,  14. 

Isabella  of  Castile,  90,  133  ; 
piety  of,  32,  33,  43  ;  inter 
view  of  Luis  de  Santangel 
with,  72-79  ;  jewels  of,  74- 
76.  See  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella. 

Isabella,  island  of,  93. 

Isaiah,  prophecies  of,  15. 


Israelites,     Indians     descended 

from,  95-99. 
Italy,  i,  2,  80,  88. 

JACA,  Jews  of,  68. 
Jachia,  Gedalja  Ibn,  47. 
Jaen,  Inquisition  at,  34. 
Jaime  I.  of  Aragon,  2. 
Jaime  II.  of  Aragon,  3. 
Jaime  III.,  King  of  Mallorca,  3. 
Jamaica,  98  ;  Columbus  in,  49- 

51,  in,  123. 
Jehuda  of  Valencia,  2. 
Jehudano,  Don,  2. 
Jeremiah,   Book  of,   118. 
Jerez,  Rodrigo  de,  in  Cuba,  93. 
Jerusalem,  87. 

Jewels  of  Queen  Isabella,  74- 
76  ;  of  other  Spanish  rulers, 
26,  75- 

Jews,  in  Spanish  navy,  2-4  ;  in 
Portugal,  4-10,  12,  17-20,  53, 
60  ;  relations  of,  to  Portu 
guese  explorations,  4-10,  17- 
20,  112-121  ;  nautical  science 
studied  by,  6,  8-10,  47,  48, 
51  ;  persecuted,  7,  60,  122  ; 
in  Italy,  12  ;  relations  of,  to 
Columbus,  12,  13,  16-18,  46- 

52,  54,   59,  81  ;  loyalty  of,  to 
Juan  II.  of  Aragon,  24  ;  mar 
riage  of    Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
abella    promoted   by,  24-26 ; 
status   and   influence  of,  27  ; 
relations  of,  to  Marranos,  30, 
31,   82,    84,     105,    108  ;    pro 
vision  Spanish  army,   52  ;    in 
Granada,    56 ;    expelled  from 


INDEX. 


iSl 


Spain,  58,  64,  68,  80-91,  104- 
no  ;  in  Hijar,  64  ;  in  Jaca, 
68  ;  in  Columbus's  fleet,  89- 
95,  in  ;  in  Barbary,  92  ;  abo 
rigines  of  America  descended 
from,  95-99  ;  well-treated  by 
Alexander  VI.,  103;  prop 
erty  of,  used  for  Columbus's 
second  voyage,  104-110,  157- 
169;  in  India,  118  ;  in  Portu 
guese  and  Spanish  colonies, 
127-134;  expelled  from  Por 
tugal,  128.  See  Marranos. 

Jjar,  Maria  del,  124. 

Jo3o  I.  of  Portugal,  4. 

Joao  II.  of  Portugal,  53,  III, 
112  ;  interested  in  navigation, 
8-10  ;  negotiates  with  Colum 
bus,  15-18,  55  ;  sends  an  ex 
pedition  to  the  East,  18-20. 

Joseph,  the  court  physician. 
See  Vecinho. 

Josephus,  read  by  Columbus,  13. 

Juan  I.  of  Aragon,  6,  7. 

Juan  II.  of  Aragon,  reign  of, 
23-26,  28,  61-66,  76. 

Juan,  son  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa 
bella,  45. 

Juana,  daughter  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  128,  133,  169- 
171. 

Juana,  daughter  of  Henry  IV.  of 
Castile,  called  Beltraneja,  22. 

Juana,  wife  of  Juan  II.  of  Ara 
gon,  23. 

Juda,  treasurer  of  the  Queen  of 
Castile,  3. 

Judaizers,  33,  59. 


Juglar,   Caspar,    the   inquisitor, 

35- 

Junquera,  S.  Perez,  97. 
Junta,  of  Joao  II.,  9,  16,  44  ;  of 

Cordova,  43-45,  52. 
Justitia  of  Aragon,  125,  126. 

KAPSALI,    Elias,    Chronicle   of, 

23- 

Khair-ed-din  Barbarossa,  121. 

Kingdom  of  the  Great  Khan,  93. 

Kingsborough,  Edward,  views 
of,  regarding  descent  of  Ameri 
cans,  97. 

LAMEGO,  19. 

La  Plata,  134. 

La  Rabida,  Columbus  at,  55,  56. 

Laredo,  Jews  sail  from,  88. 

Las  Cuevas,  monastery  of,  105. 

La  Seo,  Cathedral  in  Saragossa, 

36,  67. 

Lcdesma,  sailors  from,  89. 
Ledesma,  Alvaro  de,  106. 
Leiria,  47. 

Lepe,  sailors  of,  56,  92. 
Lerida,  Inquisition  in,  68. 
Lerma,  Alonso  de,  107. 
Lerma,  Bernaldino  de,  106,  108. 
Letters  of    Columbus   to   Sant- 

angel  and  Sanchez,    93,    99- 

103. 

Levant,  18. 
Levi,  Aaron  (Antonio  de  Monte- 

sinos),  96. 
Library  of  S.   Pablo  in  Seville, 

96. 
Lima,  96  ;  Inquisition  in,  133. 


182 


INDEX. 


Lisbon,  4,  18-20  ;  Columbus  in, 
12-16,  54 ;  Jews  in,  12,  13, 
53,  112,  113,  115,  118-121  ; 
Junta  of,  16,  44  ;  Inquisition 
in,  129. 

Llabres  y  Quintana,  Gabriel,  6. 

Loan  of  Luis  de  Santangel,  75- 
79  ;  of  Isaac  Abravanel,  84. 

Lobon,  Fernando  Yanos  de,  32. 

Lombardy,  cloth  from,  71. 

Lopez,  Dr.,  30. 

Lopez,  Garcia,  38. 

Lopez,  Luis,  96. 

Lopez,  Manuel,  133. 

Lopez,  Raymundo,  6l. 

Lopez-Patagon,  69. 

Los  Palacios,  parson  of,  Si. 

Louis  XI.  of  France,  32. 

Lull,  Raymond,  6. 

Lunel,  Clara,  63. 

Lunel,  Pedro.  68. 

Lupo,  Fernando,  61. 

MACHIR,  Jacob  ben,  9. 

Madeira,  128. 

Maestre  Bernal,  90,  123. 

Mahon,  92. 

Malacca,  Marranos  in,  117,131. 

Malaga,  Columbus  in,  52,  55. 

Mallorca,  3,  6,  29,  62. 

Mallorca,  Jaime  of,  5-8. 

Malmerca,  Nadassan,  30. 

Manasseh  ben  Israel,  writes  the 

Hope  of  Israel,  96,  97. 
Mantua,  101. 
Manuel,  King  of  Portugal,  131, 

133  ;  explorations  under,  m- 

121. 


Marchena,  Antonio  de,  46. 

Marchena,  Juan  Perez  de,  55-57. 

Marco,  the  surgeon,  90. 

Marigalante  discovered,  in. 

Marranos,  122,  123  ;  promote 
the  marriage  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  24-26  ;  status  and 
political  influence  of,  in  Spain, 
27-30  ;  persecuted  by  the  In 
quisition,  30-41,  66-72,  82- 
84  ;  relations  of,  to  the  Jews, 
30,  31,  82,  84,  105,  108  ;  in 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  col 
onies,  127-134,  169-171. 

Marriage  among  the  Indians, 
99. 

Martin,  King  of  Aragon,  8. 

Martinez,  Fernando,  16. 

Martinez,  Garcia,  77. 

Martyr,  Pedro,  57,  81. 

Marzilla,  lover  of  Luis  de  Sant- 
angel's  daughter,  61. 

Mathematics,  studied  by  the 
Jews,  5,  9,  46,  112. 

Matheos,  Hernan  Perez,  92. 

Mauritania,  4. 

Mecca,  114. 

Medina,  Diego  de,  106. 

Medina-Celi,  Duke  of,  enter 
tains  Columbus,  21,  42. 

Medina  del  Campo,  Queen  Isa 
bella  at,  127. 

Melinde,  King  of,  116. 

Mendes  de  Vascogoncellos,  Dio- 
go,  119. 

Mendoza,  Cardinal  of  Spain,  26, 
57  ;  letter  of  Luis  de  la  Cerda 
to,  21,  42. 


INDEX. 


Menezes,  Pedro  de,  opposes  Co- 
lumbus's  plan,  16,  17. 

Mercado  of  Saragossa,  36,  37, 
67- 

Merchants,  Genoese,  71. 

Mexico,  Jews  in,  97. 

Milan,  23. 

Minorca,  92. 

Mohammedans  in  Spain,  41,  56, 
58.  See  Moors. 

Molina,  Maria  de,  3. 

Moniz,  Felipa,  marries  Colum 
bus,  12. 

Montemayor,  Pedro  de,  77. 

Montesinos,  Antonio  de  (Aaron 
Levi),  96. 

Montesinos,  a  clergyman  of  Li 
ma,  96. 

Montferrat,  101. 

Montfort,  Jaime,  deputy-treas 
urer  of  Catalonia,  38. 

Montfort,  Pedro,  29,  36,  37. 

Moors,  12  ;  in  Spain,  wars  of, 
3,  30-32,  41,  44,  56-59,  66, 
72-77,  84  ;  in  Tangiers,  53  ; 
on  Columbus's  fleet,  91  ;  per 
secuted  by  the  Inquisition, 
no,  122;  in  India,  120;  in 
America,  126. 

Morocco,  14. 

Moros,  Garcia  de,  36,  38. 

Moses,  the  mathematician,  9. 

Moslems  in  Spain.     See  Moors. 

Muley  Abul  Hasan,  30. 

Miiller,  Johannes,  48. 

Municipalities,  29,  62. 

Munoz,  Pedro,  37. 

Murcia,  90  ;  conquest  of,  3. 


NADASSAN  Malmerca,  30. 

Naples,  28,  75  ;  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic  in,  39. 

Nautical  science,  112  ;  improve 
ment  of,  5,  8-10,  51,  113  ; 
seat  of,  6. 

Naval  academy  at  Sagres,  5,  8. 

Navarre,  war  in,  22,  23. 

Navigation,  school  of,  at  Sagres, 
5,  8. 

Navy,  Spanish,  1-4  ;  Portu 
guese,  i,  4. 

Nebbio,  Bishop  of,  81. 

New  Christians,  31,  130-132. 
See  Marranos. 

Nina,  one  of  Columbus's  ships, 
89,  91. 

Nineveh,  97. 

Noronha,  Garcia  de,  121. 

Nunez  of  Braganza,  Alvaro, 
134. 

Nunez  de  Cea,  Duarte,  133. 

Nunez  de  Silva,  Diego,  134. 

OCAMPO,  Juan  de,  106. 

Offices  held  by  Marranos,  28-30, 
62,  128. 

Ophir,  gold  of,  43. 

Orient,  tribes  from  the,  in  Yu 
catan,  97. 

Ormuz,  19,  20,  120. 

Ornaments  of  gold,  not  to  be 
worn  by  Jewish  women,  108. 

Ortas,  Samuel  d',  47. 

Ortiz,  Diogo,  9;  16. 

Oruena,  Alcaide  of,  106. 

Oviedo,  Goncalo  Fernandez  de, 
91,  92. 


- 


1 84 


INDEX. 


PALESTINE,  2,  15,  114. 
Palma,  Jews  in,  6,  7. 
Paloma,  Jewess  of  Toledo,  23. 
Palos,  55,  56;  Columbus  in,  86, 

87,  89. 

Patagon,  Abraham,  61,  62. 
Patagon,  Lopez,  69. 
Patagon,  Moses,  60. 
Patagon.     See  Pazagon. 
Paternoy,  Isabel  de,  72. 
Paternoy,  Juan  de,  72. 
Paternoy,  Sancho  de,  36,  38. 
Patriotism    of    Jews   and   Mar- 

ranos,  24,  52,  70,  71,  79. 
Pavia,  university  of,  n. 
Payva,   Affonso   de,    expedition 

of,  to  India,  18,  19. 
Pazagon.  Isaac,  60. 
Pazagon,  Mayer,  30. 
Pazagon,  Moses,  124. 
Pazagon.      See  Patagon. 
Penso,  V.,  89. 
Pension    granted    to    Juan    de 

Santangel's  daughters,  68,  138. 
Perez,  Anton,  38. 
Perez  de  Marchena,  Juan,   55- 

57- 
Peru,  97  ;    Inquisition   in,   133, 

134. 

Peruvians,  of  Jewish  origin,  96. 
Philip,  husband  of  Juana,  Queen 

of  Spain,  133. 
Philip   II.  of   Spain,    reign   of, 

I3I-I34. 
Pinelo,  Francisco,  treasurer  of 

Ferdinand   the   Catholic,    77, 

105,  106. 
Pinheiro,  Francisco,  118. 


Pinheiro,  Martin,  118. 
Pinolo,  Bernaldo,  105. 
Pinta,  one  of  Columbus's  ships, 

89,  91,  92. 
Pinzon,  Martin  and  Vicente,  87, 

91. 

Pisa,  i. 
Pla9ade  Trinidad,  in  Barcelona, 

39- 

Plasencia,  Inquisition  in,  35 ; 
Bishop  of,  122. 

Pliny,  13. 

Polo,  Marco,  2,  16. 

Polyglot  psalter  of  Giustiniani, 
81. 

Porras,  Francisco  de,  conspires 
against  Columbus,  49,  123. 

Porto  Rico  discovered,  in. 

Portugal,  103,  109  ;  maritime 
development  of,  I,  4,  5>  8-10, 
43  ;  Jews  in,  4-10,  12,  17-20, 
53,  60,  88,  105,  106,  108,  112, 
128  ;  Columbus  in,  11-18, 
2O ;  explorations  of,  15-20, 
102,  103,  1 1 1-12 1  ;  Jews  ex 
pelled  from,  128  ;  Inquisition 
in,  128-130  ;  colonies  of,  129- 
134.  5^<?  Joao  II. ;  Manuel. 

Posen,  114. 

Prado,  Prior  of,  43. 

Prester  John,  5,  15,  18,  119. 

Profatius,  Don,  9. 

Psalter,  polyglot,  81. 

QUILOA,  King  of,  118. 
Quintanilla,  Alonso  de,  42, 45, 70. 
Quirago,  Vasco  de,  78. 
Quito,  Bishop  of,  96. 


INDEX. 


IBS 


RABIDA,  La,  Columbus  at,  55,  56. 
RabiFrayn(  Rabbi  Ephraim),  107. 
Ram,  Jaime,  25. 
Ram,  Juan,  38. 
Ram,  Mateo,  36,  37. 
Red  Sea,  114. 
Regiortiontanus,  48. 
Ribasaltas,  Beatrice  de,  65. 
Ribasaltas,  Inigo  de,  108. 
Ribasaltas,  Juan  de,  64. 
Ribes,  Jaime,  5-8. 
Ricci,  Augustin,  47. 
Rimos,  Moses,  6. 
Rio  del  Oro,  5. 
Rites  of  Indians,  98,  99. 
Rivers,  American,  names  of,  98. 
Rodrigo,  court  physician  of  Joao 

II.,  9,  16,  19. 
Rodriguez,  Sebastian,  56. 
Rodriguez   de    Silveyra,    Diego, 

134. 
Roldan,      views     of,    regarding 

Jewish    origin  of   Americans, 

95,  96,  98. 

Romeral,  Juan  Sanchez  de,  67. 
Ronda  captured,  41. 
Rola,  21,  42. 

Rothschild,  Albert  de,  89. 
Rothschilds,  64. 
Rousillon,  county  of,  66. 
Rubifrayn  (Rabbi  Ephraim),  107. 

SABAYO,  ruler  of  Goa,  114,  116. 
Sacrifices  among  the  Indians,  99. 
Sagres,  naval  academy  at,  5,  8. 
Sahagund,  Juan  Alonso  de,  107. 
Salamanca,  47  ;  Junta  of,  45,  46, 
51,  52. 


Salamanca,  Alonso  de,  107. 

Salmanassar,  97. 

Salt-works,  farmed  by  the  Sant- 

angels,  64,  65. 
Sambaya,  18. 
Sambenito,  69. 

Sampayo,  Lopo  Vaz  de,  121. 
Samuel  of  Cairo,  120. 
Sancha,  Dona,  wife  of  Ferdinand 

I.  of  Castile,  75. 
Sanchez,  family  of,  28. 
Sanchez,     Alfonso,     brother   of 

Gabriel,  29. 
Sanchez,    Alfonso,    a    man    of 

letters,  38. 

Sanchez,  Bernard,  38. 
Sanchez,  Brianda,  38. 
Sanchez,  Eleasar  Usuf,  29. 
Sanchez,    Fernando,  Infante  of 

Aragon,  2. 

Sanchez,  Francisco,  29,  36. 
Sanchez,  Gabriel,  29,  36,  38,  67, 

76,  78,  90,  124,  127  ;  relations 

of,  to  Columbus,   59,  79,  101, 

102,  123  ;  death  of,  125. 
Sanchez,  Guillen,  29. 
Sanchez,  Juan,  of  Romeral,  67. 
Sanchez,  Juan,  of  Seville,    127, 

128. 

Sanchez,  Juan  Pedro,  36,  38. 
Sanchez,   Luis,    son   of   Eleasar 

Usuf,  29,  61. 
Sanchez,  Luis,    son  of  Gabriel, 

125. 

Sanchez,   Pedro,    father  of   Ga 
briel,  79. 
Sanchez,  Pedro,  son  of  Gabriel, 

124. 


1 86 


INDEX. 


Sanchez,  Rodrigo,  90. 

Sancho,  Don,  Infante  of  Castile, 

75- 

Sancho  IV.  of  Castile,  3. 
Sancho  II.  of  Portugal,  4. 
Santa  Cruz,  Caspar  de,  38. 
Santa  Fe,  84  ;    Queen    Isabella 

in,    56  ;     Columbus    in,    57  ; 

agreement  of,  85,  86. 
Santa  Fe,  Pedro  de,  69. 
Santa  Gloria,  in  Jamaica,  50. 
Santa  Maria,  one  of  Columbus's 

ships,  89. 
Santangel,  family  of,  28,  29,  59- 

79,    135-152  5    persecuted  by 

the  Inquisition,  66-69. 
Santangel,  Agnes  de,  67,  68. 
Santangel,    Alfonso  de,   son  of 

Azarias-Luis,  61. 
Santangel,    Alfonso  de,   son  of 

Columbus's  patron  Luis,  124. 
Santangel,  Anton  de,  64. 
Santangel,  Azarias-Luis  de,  60- 

62. 

Santangel,  Brianda  de,  65. 
Santangel,     Clara      Lunel     de, 

68. 

Santangel,  Donosa  de,  68. 
Santangel,  Fernando  de,  of  Bar- 

bastro,  69. 
Santangel,  Fernando  de,  son  of 

Columbus's  patron  Luis,  124, 

125. 

Santangel,  Gabriel  de,  68,  69. 
Santangel,  Gabriel  Gon9alo  de, 

67. 

Santangel,  Geronimo  de,  124. 
Santangel,  Isabel  de,  69. 


Santangel,  Jaime  de,  cup-bearer 

of  Juan  II.,  65,  66. 
Santangel,  'Jaime  de,  escribano  de 

radon  of  Ferdinand  the  Catho 
lic,  125. 

Santangel,  Jaime  Martin  de,  68. 
Santangel,  Juan  de,  38,  67. 
Santangel,  Juan  Martin  de,  61. 
Santangel,  Juan  Thomas  de,  69. 
Santangel,    Juana    de,    wife   of 

Pedro  de  Santa  Fe,  69. 
Santangel,  Juana    de,    wife   of 

Columbus's  patron  Luis,  123. 
Santangel,  Laura  de,  67,  68. 
Santangel,  Leonardo  de,  61. 
Santangel,  Lucretia  de,  69. 
Santangel,   Luis  de,   burned   at 

Saragossa,  36,  38,  67. 
Santangel,  Luis  de,  grandson  of 

Azarias-Luis,  61,  63,  64. 
Santangel,  Luis  de,  ambassador 

of  Alfonso  V.  of  Aragon,  63. 
Santangel,  Luis  de,  the  elder,  of 

Valencia,  64,  65. 
Santangel,  Luis  de,  the  younger, 

of  Valencia,  65. 
Santangel,    Luis  de,  burned    in 

effigy,  67. 
Santangel,  Luis   de,   of  Calata- 

yud,  69. 
Santangel,  Luis  de,  penanced  in 

1496,  69. 
Santangel,  Luis  de,  Columbus's 

patron,    84  ;     intercedes    for 

Columbus,    69-79  ;    letter  of 

Columbus  to,    93,    100,    101  ; 

royal  favors  granted  to,   123, 

124  ;  death  of,  125. 


INDEX. 


I87 


Santangel,   Luis   de,  deputy  of 

the  Zalmedina,  126. 
Santangel,  Luisa  de,  daughter  of 

Juan,  67,  68. 
Santangel,  Luisa  de,  daughter  of 

Columbus's  patron,  Luis,  123, 

124, 

Santangel,  Maria  de,  63. 
Santangel,  Martin  de,  provincial 

of  Aragon,  63. 
Santangel,  Martin  de,  burned  in 

Saragossa,  67. 
Santangel,  Miguel  de,  69. 
Santangel,     Miguel     Luis     de, 

126. 
Santangel,  Pedro  de,  penanced, 

69. 
Santangel,  Pedro  Martin  de,  61- 

63. 

Santangel,  Salvador  de,  126. 
Santangel,  Simon  de,  68. 
Santangel,  Violante  de,  68. 
Saragossa,   47  ;  Jews  and   Mar- 

ranos  of,    29,    30,    36-38,   63, 

64,  66,   67,  76,  126,  128  ;  In 
quisition  in,  35-38,  67,  70,  72  ; 

Cathedral  of  La  Seo,  36,  67  ; 

Mercado  of,  36,  37,  67. 
Sardinia.     See  Cerdena. 
Sauli,  Manuel,  34. 
Savona,  Columbus  in,  n. 
School  of  navigation  at  Sagres, 

5,  8. 

Scotus,  Duns,  13. 
Secret  Jews.     See  Marranos. 
Segovia,   27,  89;   Jews  of,    25, 

90. 
Seneca,  14. 


Senior,  Abraham,  promotes  the 
marriage  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  25-27. 

Setenel  captured,  41. 

Seville,  30,  96,  105,  106,  127, 
128  ;  Colombina  in,  13,  14, 
17,  48  ;  archives  of,  33,  77  ; 
Inquisition  in,  34,  no;  Co 
lumbus  in,  104. 

Sicily,  6,  25  ;  Inquisition  in,  31. 

Siguenza,  Bishop  of,  26. 

Silva,  Diego  Nunez  de,  134. 

Silveyra,  Diego  Rodriguez  de, 
134- 

Simancas,  archives  of,  77. 

Sixtus  IV.,  34. 

Smyrna,  113. 

Sofala,  19. 

Soria,  Jewish  property  in,  104, 
109. 

Soria,  Juan  de,  106. 

South  America,  Jews  of,  96. 

S.  Pablo,  Library  of,  in  Seville, 
96. 

Spain,  maritime  development  of, 
1-4  ;  discoveries  and  explora 
tions  of,  i,  70-73,  81,  91,  97, 
100-103,  in,  117,  126;  wars 
of,  with  the  Moors,  3,  30-32, 
41,  44,  56-59,  66,  72-77,  84  ; 
Columbus  in,  14,  20-22,  40-59, 
85,  86,  122  ;  Inquisition  in, 
31-41,  66-72,  79,  82-84,  90, 
no,  125,  128,  129;  unity  of, 
71  ;  colonies  of,  126-129 ; 
under  Philip  II.,  131-134. 
See  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  ; 
Jews  ;  Marranos. 


1 88 


INDEX. 


Spices,   Columbus's   search  for, 

15,  86,   93,  94,  100,  in  ;  in 

India,  19,  116. 
States-General.     See  Cortes. 
Storms,  theory  concerning,  51, 

113- 

Strabo,   13,  14. 
Sugar,  cultivation  of,  128. 
Sujurmente,  Isaac  of,  14. 
Sumatra,  117. 
Suson,  Diego  de,  34. 
Sylvius,  Aeneas,  works  of,    13, 

18. 

Synagogues,  7,  27,  109,  118. 
Syria,  2. 

TABLES  of  Zacuto,  13,  14,  47- 

49- 

Tacubaya,  92. 

Talavera,  sailors  from,  89. 

Talavera,  Hernando  de,  con 
fessor  of  Isabella  the  Catholic, 
30,  33,  44- 

Tangiers,  Moors  of,  53. 

Tarifa,  conquest  of,  3,  4. 

Tarragona,  88  ;  Inquisition  in, 

39- 

Taxation  of  Spanish  clergy,  31. 
Ten  Tribes,  96,  97,  99. 
Teruel,  63  ;  Inquisition  in,  35. 
Thorowgood,  T.,  works  of,  96. 
Tobacco,  discovery  of,  94,  95. 
Toledo,  23,  25,   26,  105,  127  ; 

cortes  in,  27. 
Toledo,   Fernando  Alvarez  de, 

106. 

Tolosa,  Dalman  de,  39. 
Tolosa,  Gabriel  de,  39. 


Tolosa,  Luis  de,  39. 

Torah-rolls,  88,  109,  118. 

Tordesillas,  Treaty  of,  103. 

Torquemada,  34. 

Torre,  De  la,  a  fiscal  officer  of 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  105. 

Torres,  Juan  de,  107. 

Torres,  Luis  de,  in  Cuba,  90, 
93-95- 

Tortosa,  Jews  of,  3,  90. 

Toscanelli,  Paolo,  letter  of,  to 
Joao  II.,  15,  16. 

Toulouse,  38. 

Trade,  injured  by  the  Inqui 
sition,  35  ;  of  Marranos  in 
America  and  in  India,  127- 
130. 

Translations  of  Columbus's  let 
ters,  102. 

Treaty  of  Tordesillas,  103. 

Triana,  Rodrigo  de,  sights  land, 
92,  93- 

Tribes,  The  Ten,  96,  97,  99. 

Trojan  War,  57. 

Tudela,  Benjamin  of,  travels  of, 
2. 

Tunis,   113. 

Turkey,  88,   114,   129. 

Turks  help  the  King  of  Calicut, 
121. 

UNIVERSITY,  of  Palma,  7  ;  of 
Pavia,  II ;  of  Salamanca,  45, 
46. 

Usuf,  Eleasar,  father  of  Luis 
Sanchez,  29. 

VALCUEBO,  Columbus  at,  46. 


INDEX. 


189 


Valencia,    Jews    and    Marranos 

in,  29,  53,  63-66,  70-72,  83  ; 

Inquisition    in,    34,    66,    90, 

125. 

Valencia,  Jehuda  of,  2. 
Valladolid,  123. 
Vascogpncellos,  Diogo  Mendes 

de,  119. 

Vaz  de  Sampayo,  Lopo,  121. 
Vecinho,  Joseph,   9,  12,  13,  47, 

48  ;  opposes  Columbus's  plans, 

16-18. 

Venice,  i,  20,  129. 
Vera,  Pedro  de,  36. 
Veragua,  discovered  by  Colum 
bus,  49. 

Veragua,  Duke  of,  49. 
Verd,    Cape,    116 ;    discovered, 

8. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  102,  117. 
Viana,  Carlos  de,   son  of   Juan 

II.  of  Aragon,  23,  24. 
Vicenza,  101. 
Vilanova,     Alfonso     Fernandez 

de,  53- 

Villa  do  Iffante,  5. 
Villaflor,  96. 

Villanueva,  Angel  de,  123. 
Villanueva,  family  of,  60. 
Villanueva,  in  Calatayud,  6l. 
Villar,  sailors  from,  89. 
Villa-Real,  Count  of,  16. 
Vivo,  Miguel,  68,  69, 


Vizino.     See  Vecinho. 

Voltaggio,  IOT. 

Voyages    of    Columbus,    89-95, 

IOO-III,   122,   123. 

WARS.     See  Moors. 
Watling's  Island  discovered,  92. 
Wealth  of  Jews  and  Marranos, 
28-31,  62,  64,  83,  104-110. 

XAMOS,  Abiatar,  29. 
Ximenez,  Cardinal,  58,  59. 
Ximeno  of  Briviesca,  122. 

YANOS  de  Lobon,  Fernando,  32. 
Yelves,  Manuel  Lopez  of,  133. 
Yucatan,    settled     by    Oriental 
tribes,  97. 

ZACUTO,  Abraham,  9 ;  works 
of,  13,  14,  47-51  ;  relations  of, 
to  Columbus,  13,  14,  46-51 ; 
in  Portugal,  112,  113. 

Zafra,  Juan  Alvarez  of,  133. 

Zahara  captured,  41. 

Zalmedina,  62,  126. 

Zamora,  Jewish  property  in, 
104,  106,  107,  109. 

Zapateiro,  Joseph,  travels  of, 
in  Africa  and  Asia,  19,  20. 

Zavalmedina,  62. 

Zealand,  131. 

Zentolla,  a  rabbi,  87. 


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